arithmetic. English travellers acknowledge that their language, as it is spoken by the generality of the inhabitants of the United States, is purer and more correct than in the mother country, where each province, or in other words county, differs from the rest by its peculiar dialect. But if, after having made this concession, we proceed to the examination of the state of the arts and sciences, at the first glance we discover, that as regards them, the country is still far behind Europe. The price of labor and time concur in producing such a result. This assertion requires explanation. We know that the population of the United States, since the period of their independence, has constantly increased, in a proportion almost unexampled. But the extension of their territory has advanced in a still more rapid progression; to be convinced of which, it is only necessary to consult the map of the United States, such as they were in 1783, and afterwards that which has just been published for the use of schools. The first effect of so vast an accession of territory, has been the dispersion of a number of men over an immense surface.' pp. 110-115.

We

In those states of the union, in which negro slavery is sanctioned by law, and where consequently all labor is performed by that heterogeneous race, we frequently find, among the opulent planters, men accomplished in education and manners. can account for this circumstance by remarking, that these planters, relieved by their slaves from all the grosser details of rural and domestic economy, have more leisure to devote to the study of the useful and ornamental sciences, than the citizens of states in which slavery does not exist. Besides, they associate among themselves exclusively, entirely separate from the negroes, who, from this very fact, are assimilated to other domestic animals; although in Virginia, South Carolina, and some other states, the proportion of blacks amounts to one half the population, and in Louisiana to even more. In this way, the rich living among themselves, reciprocally improve each other in civilization; whilst elsewhere the whole population, or at least the great majority of it, being composed of free citizens, the relations between the rich and poor are materially modified by a spirit of equality, and the continual tendency of property to subdivision. If this tendency exist likewise in states tolerating slavery, at least property is retained in the same class; whilst elsewhere it is distributed throughout all ranks of society. But this advantage enjoyed by the southern planters, is almost counterbalanced by the moral influence of slavery over those who profit by it. pp. 119, 120.

With the estimate of our manners contained in these extracts we are disposed to find little fault. As Americans, we cannot

hear without anxiety what, by the way, is said sometimes at home as well as abroad, that our laws of descent, by which, among other means, we have sought to fortify our republican scheme, are in a fair course to sweep off the whole race of gentlemen; and, as lovers of mankind, we are loath to admit that cultivation and good manners, though they may be and are found in the proprietors of slaves, are the proper fruit of slavery. Much more sound, and accordant with experience, seems the sentiment elsewhere advanced by the author, and judiciously supported by his annotator, that from such a state of things they must contract habits of indolence and effeminacy, which will exert a pernicious influence on their moral and physical faculties.' As to leisure, afforded by large hereditary estates, it is egregiously apt to be abused. Primogeniture, if we may believe the wits of England, though they for the most part, it must be owned, have been younger brothers, has never been upheld there on the score of its great tendency to augment the ranks of letters. Yet the aristocracy of England is the best in the world, thanks to the competition of a powerful and intelligent Commons.

The following passage will be pronounced a very melancholy one by our countrywomen.

'The beauty of the women of the United States, is generally acknowledged. But it is of so frail and transient a character, that a sentiment of compassion immediately mingles itself with the pleasure you experience in beholding the young and numerous American beauties, who assemble together in their evening entertainments. You involuntarily compare them to delicate flowers that wither before the slightest breath of a northern wind. The frequent changes in the temperature of the air which distinguish the climate of the United States, exert a fatal influence on the health of the inhabitants and the beauty of the women. pp. 129, 130.

We might add much to lighten the shades of this picture, but our disquisitions have exceeded the limits we intended, and they shall be closed after only one more remark. In our country all is yet new and in progress; nothing has received its finish; neither its moral nor physical developement is complete; and the theorist can only pronounce, that thus far it has, in an admirable degree, subserved the substantial ends of human society. But as yet we have fairly proved neither the productive power of the soil, nor the auspiciousness of the climate to human life, nor the capacity of the country for commerce. Neither have

we yet seen the full play of the political machine, nor its whole effect on manners and society. Nor have we modified the habits, manners, and tastes received from our ancestors, so as to adapt them in all respects to the climate we have found, or the polity we have established. In our turn of thought and prevailing opinions may yet be found something of the English leaven, even, sometimes, when it contravenes our own institutions; as in our habitations, our dress, and many other physical circumstances, there is yet a spice of English taste, not always very suitable to our local condition.

The translation of this work is executed with ease and spirit, and with a discernible and very proper adherence to the style of the original, which is, however, not exactly the French of a Frenchman. To this adherence to the original may be attributed a few Gallicisms here and there. Some errors of haste are also observable both in the translation and in the typography; and as haste is hardly a legitimate excuse for errors in the eyes of reviewers, we hope there may be an opportunity for correcting them in a second edition. The notes appended are respectable, and, besides some corrections of the author's mistakes, contain judicious reflections. On the whole it is a modest and sensible book, which its translator has given to us in an agreeable style; and which we hope will be read, if it be only to see with what candor and discretion the subject of a despotic prince can speak of a republic and its institutions.

ART. XII.-CRITICAL NOTICES.

1.-Oration pronounced before the Citizens of Providence, on the 4th of July, 1826, being the Fiftieth Anniversary of American Independence. By WILLIAM HUNTER.

8vo. pp. 46.

Providence.

ORATIONS, addresses, eulogies, and the like, come upon us so thickly, that we find it impossible to do them any justice, within the compass prescribed to us, either by a formal criticism, or general notice. The number of pamphlets of this description, which have been laid on our table during the last quarter, if brought under review in detail, would afford matter more than enough to fill up the entire pages of our journal. This multiplicity renders a selection, which shall do equal justice to all, by no means easy, even if we had much more room to spare, than our accustomed limits will allow. We hope this will be a sufficient apology to publishers and authors, for not acknowledging their liberality in supplying us with works of this kind, in a more substantial manner, than merely inserting their titles in our list of new publications. From the nature of our work, which is meant to contain, not a review of books only, but discussions of interesting and important topics, we can rarely do more than this with the mass of new books. The American press is becoming so fruitful, that a short notice of every work would so much encumber our pages, as to leave little or no room for the execution of its main purpose, and we must be contented with making what we deem the less sacrifice. It is our aim, however, to bring before the public whatever is most valuable, and most worthy of observation, in the literary as well as the political progress of the country. But, as we cannot do everything, we are fully sensible that our judgment may not always guide us to do what is best, and herein we claim as much indulgence, as the good nature of our readers shall incline them to think we deserve, and no more.

We call attention to Mr Hunter's oration, chiefly to bring out a few historical facts, which the author has interwoven with his discourse, relating to the State of Rhode Island. Beginning with the first planting of the colony, he observes,

'Roger Williams, the founder of Providence Plantations, the learned and popular divine of Salem, insisted for freedom of conscience in worship, even "to Papists and Arminians;" with security of civil peace. He was banished in 1634-5, as a dis

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turber of the peace of the church and commonwealth. You know the rest- I dare not dilate upon it. The water of that spring near which he took refuge, overlooked from the neighboring hills by armed, but to him harmless savages, ought to be on this day the exhilarating beverage of his descendants-more exhilarating and heartcheering "than costliest wines of Chios or of Crete." Mrs Hutcheson, who, as Cotton says, was once beloved, and all the faithful embraced her conference, and blessed God for her fruitful discourses," with Coddington, and all her train of Antinomians, were disfranchised and banished, and in their place of refuge, the great island of Adquidneck, Rhode Island, passed in solemn resolve, the earliest and the most strenuous declaration of the principles of perfect freedom in religious concernments, the world had ever known. The third and last, but not less interesting foundation by these primary associations that formed this state, all proceeding from the same persecution, and the same manful opposition, was the settlement of the Gortonists, on lands purchased of Shaw Omet, the Sachem of the Narragansetts. These are the men of Kent, the settlers of the town of Warwick.

'If ever there was a complete and victorious vindication against the sarcasm, that our ancestors were so barbarous, as not to be capable of good sense and good English, it is furnished by the paper issued by the owners and inhabitants of Shaw Omet, dated 28th October, 1643. This paper was addressed to certain men styled Commissioners, sent from the Massachusetts, supported by an armed force, whose names, they say in contemptuous defiance, "we know not." That paper is heroic, and Homeric; Demosthenian, but superior to Demosthenes. "If you come," say they, "to treat with us in the ways of equity and peace, together therewith, shaking a rod over our heads, in a band of soldiers; be assured that we have passed our childhood in that point, and are under the commission of the great God, not to be children in understanding, neither in courage, but to acquit ourselves like men. We strictly charge you hereby, that you set not a foot upon our lands, in any hostile way, but upon your perils; and that, if any blood be shed, upon your heads shall it be. And know, that if you set an army of men upon any part of our land, contrary to our just prohibition therein, we are under command, and have our commission sealed, all ready to resist you unto death. For this is the law of our God, by whom we stand, which is written in all men's hearts, that, if ye spread a table before us as friends, we sit not as men invective, envious, or malcontent, not touching a morsel, nor looking from you, who point us unto our dish, but we eat with you, by virtue of the unfeigned law of relations, not only to satisfy our stomachs, but to increase friend