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fluenced by Descartes, he is untouched by that deeper consideration of philosophical problems which Descartes describes in his Discours' and his Méditations,' and he is either quite unaware of, or discards that ultimate basis of all reality which took for the French thinker the form of Je pense, donc je suis.' According to Hobbes, philosophy is ratiocination, and ratiocination is, in reality, reckoning, or adding and subtracting. It is computation in the largest sense, deducing effects from causes, and inferring causes from effects. Only on one assumption is this possible. Philosophy must deal only with phenomena. It is not, so Hobbes tells us, of that kind which makes philosopher's stones, or is found in the metaphysic codes, but merely the 'natural reason of man busily flying up and down among the creatures, and bringing back a true report of their ' order, causes, and effects.' This being so, we can make a clean sweep of certain ultimate questions. We need not ask what God is, for He is not a phenomenon and has no generation. Nor need we trouble ourselves about spirits, for they have no phenomenal aspects, nor are we concerned with matters of faith. The rest of the items of a properly scientific creed, such as we are familiar with in modern times, follow in due order. Causes can only be efficient and material. Formal causes and final causes are nonsense. The soul of man is not otherwise than corporeal; ghosts and spirits, as spoken of in ordinary language, are but dreamimages and purely phantasmal. And man is not a free agent: there is no such thing as freedom of the will. Man himself is not a spiritual ego, but a natural 'body' whose sensations, impulses, volitions, and emotions are alike explicable by motions of particles. In all this, Hobbes is from one point of view an ancient, from another point of view a very modern thinker. Ancient, because he makes mind depend on matter, which, after Berkeley and Kant, should be impossible for a philosopher: but also modern, because language such as his is almost identical with that of contemporary systems of 'naturalism' and the facile framers of 'mental and moral science.' Perhaps, hard driven by the mechanical philosophers and the modern Hobbists, we may be content to remark, in the last resort, with Lotze, how universal is the extent, and yet how completely subordinate is the significance of the mission which mechanism has to fulfil in the structure of the world. For the world of forms is one thing, and the world of values is another.*

* Cf. Lotze, 'Microcosms,' Introduction.

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Hobbes's views on religion are too characteristic to be altogether omitted, although naturally they impressed his contemporaries more than they influenced succeeding thought. Hobbes's general position as a phenomenalist did not, as we have already seen, allow him much room for a treatment of super-sensual verities. All the arguing of infinites,' he impatiently remarks, is but the ambition of schoolboys.' But in his theory of human nature he has to allow a certain seed of religion as a factor, often troublesome, but ineradicable, with which both philosopher and statesman have to deal. It is this which, in the methodical form of intellectual inquisitiveness, leads men to form a conception of God as the first and eternal cause of all things; but is equally productive, owing to men's fears and fancies, of all kinds of vain and foolish imaginings. Images of dreams are projected outwards and become spiritual and supernatural agents, and there is no more curious chapter in The Leviathan' than that in which Hobbes describes with exuberance of detail the mischievous delusions of the Gentiles.'* In order to correct such superstition, Hobbes bestows especial care on a review of what is really meant by such things as spirits, angels, prophets, miracles, eternal life, hell, and salvation, though at times the reader cannot help entertaining some doubt as to Hobbes's seriousness. A more marvellous exegesis of Scripture than that which is attempted in the third part of The Leviathan' was probably never penned, and its critics and opponents might well exclaim with Antonio: 'Mark you this, Bassanio,

The devil can cite Scripture for his purpose.'

Two points, however, stand out with distinctness. In the first place, there can be no doubt that Hobbes recognises that there is a core of mystery in religion which faith only ' and not reason can touch.' He treats it indeed with coarse humour, when he says that it is with the mysteries of ' religion as with wholesome pills for the sick; which swal'lowed whole have the virtue to cure; but chewed, are for the most part cast up again without effect.' But as Professor Robertson remarks, the idea is so distinctive of English thought, from William of Ockham through Bacon to Locke, that there can be no reasonable doubt that to Hobbes too the core of mystery' remains. In the second place, Hobbes is persuaded that the whole department of religious thought should be under the control of the State. This is + Ibid. part iii.

* Cf. Leviathan, part iv. 45.

C.

32.

his chief contest with the episcopalians of his time, and is the motive of his attack on the Papacy as a spiritual 'Kingdom of Darkness.' He had seen how great was the evil of religious dissension, and how fatal its power in dissolving the fabric of the commonwealth: the only alternative to the supremacy of the Church was the autocratic power of the sovereign, who ought to be priest as well as king. How is the sovereign to get his laws obeyed if there is a rival power dividing his subjects' allegiance? Unless the State control the religious life, there will be a chance for the Papacy, and civil obedience will be at an end. Moreover, there is only one thing necessary for salvation, which is the confession that Jesus is the Christ-a dogma which ought to be kept free from all the surrounding scaffolding of ecclesiastical dogma invented by the church doctors or largely borrowed from pagan philosophy.

The later years of Hobbes's life exhibit the aged philosopher as engaged in ceaseless conflicts with outraged divines or incensed mathematicians, but do not throw any fresh light on the nature of his thought. His weakest side was his geometrical speculation, and it was that which he defended with the stoutest obstinacy against the superior knowledge of Ward, and Wilkins, and Wallis. So remarkable a figure as his was the natural butt of all those who were concerned with defending the older philosophy, or were outraged by his notorious secularism. In personal characteristics perhaps as unamiable a man as ever lived, devoid of sympathetic affection, untouched by the higher graces of character, intensely and narrowly practical, and of great personal timidity, he yet, in virtue of a comprehensive intellect and an analytic power of uncommon keenness and edge, succeeded in leaving a conspicuous mark on the history not only of English, but of Continental thought. He accepts the practical scientific problem from Bacon, and hands on the psychological problem to Locke. He may almost be said to have originated moral philosophy in England, or at all events to have inspired, either by antagonism or direct influence, its most characteristic efforts and doctrines. In direct influence be lives again in much of the utilitarianism of Hume, Hartley, Bentham, Paley, and the elder and younger Mill; his characteristic selfishness is reproduced on wider scale in the universalistic hedonism of eighteenth and nineteenth century speculation. Antagonism to his position diverged in two directions: on the one hand, it produced the rationalism of the Cambridge Platonists-Henry More

and Ralph Cudworth; on the other, through Shaftesbury it led to the moral-sense doctrines of Hutcheson. Indeed, the whole of the next two centuries was occupied in one way or another with Hobbes, and, if any system can be called epoch making, there is none which deserves the title better than his. Philosophy, as we now understand the term, is not perhaps so much indebted to him as to Descartes, from whom sprang the line of catholic thinkers, among whom occur the illustrious names of Spinoza, and Leibnitz, and Kant. But Hobbes did more than anyone, with the possible exception of Bacon, to direct English thought into its characteristic channels, and to put before it its especial problems. Its precision, its clearness, its narrowness, its scientific tendency, its practical character-all are there. In Hobbes are represented in embryo the specific developements which we meet with in Locke and Berkeley, Hume and Mill. His countrymen may well be proud of one who concentrates in his single personality their most charactertic defects and excellences. Add to this the merits of an admirable style, and we have the picture, not only of a thinker, but also of a writer and a man of letters. Above all others he succeeds in marrying words to thought, and lights up the most abstruse exposition with the brightest gleams of wit and fancy. Vir probus et fama eruditionis domi forisque bene cognitus is the simple inscription which designates his resting place in Hault Hucknall. Perhaps a happier text for his grave was suggested by the humour of one of his friends during his lifetime, This is the true Philosopher's Stone.'

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ART. V.-1. Our Home by the Adriatic.

By the Hon. MARGARET COLLIER (Madame Galletti di Cadilhac). London: 1886.

2. Governo e Governati in Italia. Saggio di PASQUALE TURIELLO. Bologna: 1882.

3. Commento teorico-pratico della Legge e del Regolamento Comunale e Provinciale del Professore Avvocato FRANCESCO BUFALINI. Turin: 1881.

THE

HE book placed at the head of these pages has raised a storm of indignation throughout Italy. Sarcasms freely launched at each other by the several populations of the Peninsula are resented by all alike when heard from the lips of a stranger; and we doubt not that on the present occasion all the proverbial homethrusts as to Pisan traitors, and Neapolitan thieves,† cut-throats of Brescia, and assassins of Monferrat,§ are forgotten in favour of an equally familiar adage which declares the Italianised Englishman to be an incarnate fiend.||

Madame Galletti's cynical view of Italian life is in truth an amusing contrast to the idyllic vein of the ordinary tourist. The experiences of the latter have chiefly lain among the more polished rustics of the Tuscan Apennine, who hold rhyme-tournaments in their village streets, and wake their mountain echoes to Tasso's verse, while she has broken new ground among the comparatively truculent population of the Adriatic slope. Each class of travellers has told the truth as it presented itself to themselves; the mistake is made by those who try to generalise from the idiosyncrasies of one section of the Italian population to those of the remainder. The spirit of local individualism-in politics somewhat inharmoniously dubbed regionalism' has its roots deep in the traditional prejudices of the people, and has hitherto prevented any general fusion of race corresponding to the national unification of Italy.

6

Our authoress's account of her Home by the Adriatic' has all the authority of a twelve years' experience. The late Lord Monkswell, with his customary kindness and liberality, purchased lands on the Adriatic, formerly the property

* Fiorentini ciechi, Pisani traditori.'

† A Roma dottori, a Napoli ladroni.'

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'I Brescian tagliacantoni.'

§ Dove son due Monfi, due ladri e un assassin.' 'Inglese Italianato è un diavolo incarnato.'

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