SKETCHES OF THE LATER HISTORY OF BRITISH INDIA.

No. X.-EVENTS AT POONA AND NAGPORE.

WHEN the guilty favourite of the Peishwa was surrendered to the British Government, the fortress of Tannah, in the island of Salsette, was selected as, in the first instance, the most convenient place of confinement. This arrangement, however, was not regarded as permanent, his removal into some of the territories subject to the Presidency of Fort St. George having been contemplated by the Supreme Government. Some difficulty, however, appears to have arisen in finding a proper situation, and the consequence was, that the prisoner remained at Tannah. But the period of his captivity was brief. Trimbuckjee Dainglia had been given up to the British authorities in September 1815; on the evening of the 12th September 1816, he effected his escape from Tannah, again to become an engine of disorder and mischief. There appears to have been some deficiency of vigilance in the custody of the prisoner. Little attention was paid to his personal movements, and in fact little was known of them. A habit, which it was subsequently ascertained he had for some time practised, of resorting every evening after dusk to a particular part of the fort, excited neither suspicion nor increased watchfulness, and natives were suffered to pass the gate without examination at hours when peculiar circumspection was called for. As soon as the escape was discovered, the different ferries were secured, with a view to prevent any person quitting the island; but the precaution was too late; Trimbuckjee Daingliawas beyond the reach of his pursuers.

The escape of this miscreant was believed to have been contrived and carried into effect with the full concurrence of the Peishwa, but no substantial proof of this existed. That the prince, after the escape of his unworthy favourite, concealed and protected him, was also sanctioned by the strongest presumption, although the sovereign gave the most solemn assurances to the contrary. In the absence of proof, there was no course for the British Government to pursue, but to yield apparent belief to the protestations of the Peishwa, and keep a vigilant eye on his future proceedings.

There was, indeed, abundant reason to be convinced that the Peishwa was exercising, and had long been employing, all his influence to undermine the British power in India. His intrigues extended far and wide, and the malignity of his hostile feelings was attested by his activity in diffusing them. From Baroda, the Government were apprized by Captain Carnac of some proceedings, on the part of the Peishwa and his agents, sufficiently indicative of that prince's insincerity and hostility. Similar information was communicated from other quarters; every circumstance was calculated to inspire the British Government with distrust, and there can be no doubt that this was their feeling.

There was reason for concluding, that Trimbuckjee was concealed at no great distance from Poona; and the suspicions of the Resident were

excited by intelligence of the assemblage of small parties of armed men in the neighbourhood of Mahadee, about fifty miles distant from the former place. It was subsequently ascertained, that considerable bodies of horse and foot were collecting in the same direction; that recruiting was actively going on throughout the Peishwa's dominions, and that even in the city of Poona, under the very eye of the British Resident, the process was in full operation. Public opinion unanimously pointed out Trimbuckjee as the prime agent in these proceedings, and there was scarcely more hesitation in attributing to him the direct countenance and support of the Peishwa.

The Resident, of course, remonstrated; he urged the importance of adopting vigorous measures for dispersing the armed parties, and thus crushing the insurrection in its commencement; a contrary line of conduct, it was pointed out, would lead to the most unfavourable impressions as to the intentions of the Peishwa, and the necessity of prompt and active measures, to relieve himself from the imputation of participating in the designs of Trimbuckjee, was enforced by the fact, that it was commonly believed and reported, throughout the country, that the Peishwa approved and sanctioned them. The suppression of the rebel movements, and the capture and surrender of their guilty contriver, were represented as being the only means by which the British Government could be convinced of the falsehood of such reports and the fidelity of the Peishwa to his engagements.

The Peishwa, however, was not to be roused; and, in addition to this apathy to military preparations, which, if not sanctioned by his authority, were calculated to place that authority in danger, there were circumstances in his conduct still more suspicious. It was indeed reported that he was in constant communication with Trimbuckjee; that he had even had more than one secret interview with the arch-conspirator himself; and that he had provided considerable sums of money in gold, as if for some expected emergency. These were but rumours; but there were facts beyond all doubt, which placed the Peishwa's character for sincerity in a most unfavourable position. He affected ignorance of proceedings to which no one in the country was or could be a stranger: Trimbuckjee's friends and family remained in high favour, and constantly made excursions into the country, said (and doubtlessly with truth) to be for the purpose of consulting with their chief; one of Trimbuckjee's principal officers, after repeated visits of this kind, finally disappeared, and the Peishwa declared himself unable to account for him. Some changes took place in the Prince's habits so extraordinary as to excite general surprise. He made a journey to Joonere, while Trimbuckjee was supposed to be in that part of the country, which was alleged to be in discharge of an obligation of piety. He stated that, when in prison, he had made a vow of an annual pilgrimage to Joonere; but it was remarkable that for twenty years he had neglected to perform it: a fact exceedingly discreditable either to the activity of his memory or the stedfastness of his devotion. He chose also to seclude himself from observation at Phoolesehr, taking great pains to induce the British Resident to believe that he was detained there much against his

desire by an injury to his arm, the injury being only a slight bruise, and the distance which he had to travel but sixteen miles. He had been accustomed, from the time of his restoration, to make annual journeys to Goagur and Copergaum; but these places, not possessing the attraction of Joonere, were now neglected, although the state of his arm no longer afforded an

excuse.

measures.

The suspicious conduct of the Peishwa, in other respects, was corroborated by the warlike preparations which were evidently in progress. Troops were raised, forts repaired, and every thing seemed to announce impending hostility. Finding it useless to persevere in his former course, Mr. Elphinstone at length assumed a higher tone, and resolved upon more decisive The British troops at Poona were put in motion, and by them the insurgents were driven from their haunts, near Mahadee, to the northern part of the Peishwa's territories. This being performed, and the Peishwa's preparations continuing, Mr. Elphinstone determined on drawing the light division of the troops at his disposal to Poona, to be there ready for any emergency that might arise. The impressions which the Peishwa's conduct had made on the Resident were distinctly announced, and it was intimated that the latter abstained from measures even more active, only till he received the instructions of his own government. By the time the purposed disposition of the British troops was completed, Mr. Elphinstone received such an intimation of the views of the Supreme Government, as enabled him to go on without hesitation. His first intention was to surround the city, demand from the Peishwa hostages for the surrender of Trimbuckjee within a fixed time, and in the event of non-compliance, to force the palace and seize the person of the sovereign. The justice of such a proceeding could scarcely be dubious, considering the provocation we had received and the moderate nature of our demand; but it was abandoned from two motives, highly creditable to the Resident, a nice sense of honour, and a laudable feeling of humanity. Notwithstanding his repeated declarations, that decisive measures would be resorted to if the conduct of the Peishwa continued to render them necessary, after the arrival of the sanction of the British Government, it was thought that, as intercourse with the Resident had never been entirely broken off, the Peishwa had some reason to expect a more formal notice before proceeding to extremities. The nature of the connexion existing between the states, and the means by which we obtained a footing in the heart of the Peishwa's territory, were also justly regarded by Mr. Elphinstone as entitling that Prince to be treated with more delicacy than an ordinary belligerent. The second ground of forbearance was a consideration of the probable fate of the city. The people had been accustomed to regard the British force as a friendly one: its approach and subsequent preparations had excited no more alarm among the inhabitants than the arrival of so many fellow-citizens. It was felt by the Resident to be cruel to expose them to injury from those whom they regarded as their friends, and, as the Prince had upwards of seven thousand infantry in Poona, besides a body of cavalry, and a fortified palace in the centre of

the city, it was obvious that he could not be expected to yield without a struggle, and that, in the event of a contest, it was impossible but that the inhabitants should suffer severely. From the influence of these considerations, Mr. Elphinstone was withheld from acting on his first feelings, and a further season of repentance was afforded to the Peishwa, if he were disposed to embrace it.

In the meantime, the insurgents continued their progress, began to unite their forces from distant places, and took possession of one of the Peishwa's forts. They were represented as having obtained entrance by personating countrymen, carrying bundles of grass, in which they had concealed arms. This stratagem had been sometimes practised in towns where there was a considerable influx of country people, carrying their goods to the market, and under such circumstances the disguised persons might pass unsuspected; but it was little adapted to a hill fort, where there was only a small garrison, no market, and no great consumption of grass. The gross improbability of the story was pointed out to the person who related it to Mr. Elphinstone, and he was very clearly given to understand that the Resident was not imposed upon by the idle tale with which it had been attempted to abuse his judgment.

The stoppage of the post by the insurgents in Cuttack, in the early part of May 1817, rendered the receipt of the further instructions from his Government, for which Mr. Elphinstone was looking, a matter of great uncertainty. He was thus left in a great degree to the uncontrolled exereise of his own judgment. Every thing seemed to call for prompt and vigorous action. It was impossible to suppose that the British Government would be satisfied without the surrender of Trimbuckjee, and it was the universal opinion that the Peishwa would not give him up. In an extreme emergency, the probability was, that the Peishwa would fly to Ryeghur, in the Concan, where it would be impossible to carry on operations after the setting-in of the monsoon, which might be expected to take place early in June. A lengthened contest was above all things to be avoided; the position of the Peishwa, as the nominal head of the Mahrattas, rendering a junction of all the Mahratta states against the British highly probable. Feeling the pressure of these circumstances, Mr. Elphinstone sent a message to the minister, to the effect that he had a communication to make which must bring the question of peace or war to a decision, and that he should forward it on the following morning. The actual transmission of the communication referred to was delayed by a message from the Peishwa, inviting the Resident to a conference, which accordingly took place. Mr. Elphinstone then demanded the surrender of Trimbuckjee, as an indispensable condition of the adjustment. The Peishwa, though informed that the consequence would be immediate war, still sought to evade compliance, and refused to be bound by any engagement. On the following day, the threatened communication was made to the Peishwa's Minister. Its purport was, to demand that the Peishwa should engage within twenty-four hours to deliver up Trimbuckjee, within a month from that day, and should give up

his forts of Singhur, Poorandur, and Ryeghur, as pledges for the fulfilment of his engagement.

The minister received the paper with extraordinary indifference. Before the expiration of the prescribed time, however, some attempts were made to procure a mitigation of the terms. This was refused, and the city was ultimately surrounded by the British forces. The people now manifested some alarm, but it was speedily allayed by the withdrawal of the troops, in consequence of a communication to the Resident, accepting the proffered conditions. The forts were forthwith placed in possession of the British.

But, though the Peishwa yielded to difficulties which he was not in a condition to overcome, he was still anxious to find some means of escaping the consequences of his engagement. He appears to have courted the advice of counsellors of the most opposite sentiments, and to have vacillated between their conflicting opinions, as his inclinations or his fears preponderated. Terrified at the prospect of the precipice upon which he stood, and swayed in some degree by the judgment of the more moderate part of his advisers, he at length issued a proclamation, offering a large reward for the apprehension of Trimbuckjee, dead or alive, and smaller rewards for any information concerning his adherents; a pardon was at the same time promised to all who should desert him, with the exception of twelve individuals, and those who should still refuse to come in, against whom severe penalties were denounced: the property of the twelve excepted persons, as well as that of Trimbuckjee, was confiscated. Negociations then commenced for the purpose of fixing the future relations of the Peishwa state, and a treaty was finally concluded on the 13th June, containing some provisions of great importance.

By the first article of this treaty, the guilt of Trimbuckjee Dainglia, and the obligation to punish him, were admitted; the Peishwa engaged to use his utmost efforts to seize and deliver him up to the East-India Company; the family of the criminal were to remain as hostages with the British Government, and all who sided in his rebellion, and who had not surrendered to the proclamation, were to be punished. The second article confirmed the treaty of Bassein in all points not varied by the new treaty. The third article extended one in the treaty of Bassein, by which the Peishwa engaged to dismiss all Europeans, natives of states at war with Great Britain. He was now bound never to admit into his territories any subject of either European or American powers, without the consent of the British Government. By the fourth, the Peishwa bound himself not to open a negociation with any other power, except in concert with the Company's Government, nor to admit the residence of vakeels or agents at his Court. The great Mahratta confederacy was by this article dissolved, the Peishwa renouncing all connexion with the other Mahratta powers, and consequently his station, as their head, with certain exceptions. The fifth article related to the matters in dispute between the Peishwa and the Guicowar; the former renouncing all right of supremacy over the latter,