the eradication of others, which at present the government and judicial authorities are impotent to directly change.

"We would too suggest, that Government be petitioned to allow of all classes of residents in India being impanelled on civil and criminal punchayets or juries, under Reg. VI. 1832. This would create a new source of aid to the judicial authorities, and would give a sanction to decisions in many cases, which is at present, from the ignorance of the public, so lamentably wanting.

"On the whole, therefore, we are firmly convinced that equal justice to our native brethren demanded the passing of Reg. XI. 1836, but we should personally have no objection to seeing the act amended as far as to place European British subjects, in respect to suits among themselves, on the same footing that they were under Mr. Advocate-General Pearson's opinion during the currency of the 107th section of the old Charter act. Two important suggestions for the immediate improvement of the local courts, now vested with a more extensive jurisdiction, we have taken the liberty to suggest, and other ameliorations capable of ready adoption will doubtless have occurred to other of your correspondents, which together must amount to a better security for the efficient discharge of the new authority, than what beretofore existed for the exereise of the antecedent one.

"We have the honour to remain, &c. "J. O. Beckett; J. O. B. Saunders; Edw. Tandy; H. Tandy; R. B. Duncan, Civil Surgeon; G. Blunt, C. S.; J. Davidson, C. S.; C. G. Mansel, C. S.

Agra, June 9, 1836."

It is satisfactory to observe, that the fierceness of the epistolary warfare that has been carried on for some time in the public journals, respecting that unhappy and ill-judged measure ycleped the Black Act, is abated on both sides. The torbid torrent of personality is fast subsiding into the regular and profitable channel of fact and argument: and we may now begin to augur that good may be the result. What avails it to draw odious comparisons between the courts of his Majesty and those of the Company? Both are bad enough, God knows, in their present condition ; yet neither is without some redeeming qualities, some rudiments of good, which in skilful hands may be worked up into a better system. Law is at the best a necessary evil; and such it will continue until vice and folly shall be expelled from human dealings, and Astrea once more descend to dwell in the abode of mortality. All that can be done in the interim is, to make the most of the materials within our reach, and not to aggravate the necessity of the evil, by depriving it of what there is of salutary and remedial.

When the virulence of party spirit, and the sensitiveness of personal interest, shall have blown over, we come at last to what we should have begun with-the consideration, whether any thing can be done to improve the existing institutions: and, since we must be content with them till we shall get something better, we would not unnecessarily depreciate either in the eyes of the public.

But wherefore talk of reform? Where is it to begin?-or is it to begin at all?— Half the industry and talent that have been wasted in angry personalities, might, if properly directed, have by this time done the best part of the business. Yet we cannot find that any thing is even in embryo; except, indeed, that some rumours have reached us of a proposed remuneration of the officers of court, by salaries in lieu of fees, and by transferring the fee-fund to Government. We sincerely trust that nothing so pernicious is in contemplation, either of the government or of the Court. If the fee-fund is once transferred to Government, and made a part of the current ways and means, what hope has the public of future relief in the way of reduction? Besides, remuneration by salary is a patent for neglect and inefficiency: offices of court will degenerate into mere sinecures to the heads of office, and the business be wretchedly done by a set of half-paid underlings. What the public expects is a considerable reduction in the number of the officers, and a still greater reduction in the present scale of fees. Nothing short of these will satisfy its reasonable hopes. Nor can the pretensions of present incumbents stand much in the way. Some of them now hold their offices provisionally; all of them have taken office pending inquiry with a view to searching reform, and with full notice that they must abide the result. Let the law-commission do its duty, and it will not be long before much of that, which furnishes arms to their opponents, will cease to discredit the only British courts within the Company's territories.- Cal. Cour.

We cannot but express our opinion that the maker and framer of this new edict, the Black Act, has much to answer for to his countrymen both in India and in England. We have considered, and we do consider, the honourable fourth ordinary member of the council mainly responsible in this enactment, though, legally and strictly, every member of the council of India is equally

So.

For what then are they responsible? For wantonly, without cause or reason, real or fictitious-for they have given us no reason having disturbed the moral peace and tranquillity of all India, as regards British-born subjects; for having set brother against brother, friend against friend; and at the very moment and by

the same Act that they created judges for their fellow countrymen, having inflamed those judges with hatred and fierce animosity against those who are in future to seek justice at their hands! O, wise provision to expect a cool and calm regard for justice, equity, and good conscience, to be exercised in administering law towards men, against whom their judges are, and avow themselves to be, fiercely exasperated. Has our fourth ordinary member heard of the triumphs -we do not say indecent triumphs, for, alas! we most conscientiously believe them to be the most melancholy triumphs on record,-with which the "firmness" of the Government has been hailed by the Company's civil servants? Is this the state of mind that should be excited among those to whom is confided the sacred balance-how long may it yet be that we may not add, the sword-of justice? Is the honourable fourth ordinary member, with all his knowledge of the history of mankind, still ignorant that passions so excited at the triumphs of a party, will carry with them their influence on the bench ?-Hurkaru.

A writer under the name of AMICUS CURIE, whose letters have attracted much attention, referring to his exposure of the enormous expenses of the Supreme Court, adds:

"I formed an average from the costs which I bad ascertained to an anna in from twenty to thirty cases, none of them comparatively heavy cases; and from these I ventured to calculate the average costs of simple suits at common law and equity:-the former I reckoned at 2,500 rupees, and the latter at 12,000 rupees, for both parties. Till the results of a much greater number of cases, taken indiscriminately, be ascertained, and published by some one else, how can my calculation be fairly questioned? But as the lawyers will persist in calling out that the expenses of their court are grossly exaggerated, and in refusing to condescend to details, I will take a course of argument which will prove that those expenses have never yet been stated nearly as high as the truth. I will do this by calculating, always below the mark, the aggregate amount of the money yearly spent in the court, which I will contrast with the whole number of cases

yearly decided in it. To complete the picture, I will give at the same time the charge to which the people of India are put for keeping up the tribunal of one town.

Annual charges paid by India. Salaries of three judges..........Rupees 2,00,000 Ditto of one ditto appropriated to judges' pensions

Salaries of thirty officers of court....

Servants

Add for contingencies, court house, &c.

Total

60,000

73,484

3,212 13,314 3,50,000

Annual Charges paid by Suitors: Average fees of twenty officers of court Estimated incomes of fifteen Barristers Estimated charges of fifty-four Attornies, exclusive of officers, and Barrister's fees, and of business that does not go into court.

Grand Total of Costs,

cases.

..

4,03,714 3,00,000

5,33,333 Total.... 12,37,047

Rupees 15,87,000

"Now for the business done for these charges. In 1835 there were 63 common law, 29 equity, 1 admiralty, and 2 ecclesiastical cases tried, in all 95 If one zillah judge were to do as little business, he would lose his situation if he had more to do: and if he had no more to do, more would be given him. Here we have 3 judges, 20 officers of court, 15 barristers, and 54 attornies, in all 92 gentlemen, some men of ability and information, all men of more or less professional education, and most of them men who have come all the way from England, maintained 15,000 miles from home, some in great wealth, the rest, with few exceptions, more or less in affluence, for the purpose of deciding annually 95 disputes, at the rate of 1 of a cause per man. Can history show a parallel abuse? Observe, that it forms no part of my present argument, whether these 92 gentlemen be, or be not, overpaid. Let their skill and learning be underpaid, I care not-the system which gives such a result must be monstrous."

THE MEETING OF THE 18th JUNE. "It was under painful feelings of humiliation and shame, that I left the meeting on Saturday night. I have attended most of the Calcutta meetings, but it never was my lot to witness one of a more disgracefully tumultuous character. I felt for our worthy Chairman, who did all he could to restrain the turbulent and noisy persons who were constantly interrupting the proceedings, and he was compelled to say that he would adjourn the meeting unless more respect was paid to the chair, and unless it was conducted in a more orderly and becoming manner. I much fear that what took place on Saturday will do the cause a serious injury, and, as one deeply interested in the measures we were assembled to adopt, I would wish to say a few words to those persons who disturbed the proceedings, and to those who, I understand, are resolved to stay away this evening rather than encounter such a scene again."-Corresp. Englishman.

The farce of the meeting of the 18th has gone off as might have been anticipated from the hour fixed upon-the gentlemen audience took their wine or heavy wet, as the case might be, and appear to have gone well primed to the Town Hall-hissing-shoutings,-turn him out

-three cheers for the Duke of Wellington and Waterloo, and a hornpipe on the table afterwards, all right and relevant, and as much to the purpose as most of the things said through the evening,-were a very characteristic finish off to the affair.

We take our view of the scene, from the description given by the friends of the meeting themselves-even Pro Bono is disgusted-though with his usual dimness of perception, as to the right, and the fitting; he thinks that the meetingers would richly deserve that Parliament should throw out their petition, because, forsooth, an after-dinner meeting is a noisy one, and people with more wine in their heads than they ever had wit, are fonder of bawling and shouting themselves, than of listening to others. If what they meet to ask for be a reasonable thing, to refuse it on such a ground would be worse than absurd.-Central F. P. July 2.

The entire of the report, as given in the leading Calcutta papers, is now before our readers, and painful as it may be for us to make a single remark that may carry with it even the appearance of reflecting upon the meeting, we incline to think our readers will agree with us in opinion, that, considering the purposes for which the meeting had been convened, and how important it was that unity and unanimity should characterize every proceeding connected with the getting up of the petition that has for its object the procuring of the repeal of the Act No. XI. of 1836 of the Legislative Council of India, it is to be regretted that the meeting was one of the most disorderly ever known in Calcutta. Unlike former meetings, the object of some who attended the one under notice seems to have been to excite angry feelings, and cause such a division as would nullify the proceedings, as if they had been hired for such a purpose. -It is with pain we make these remarks, but a careful perusal of the report has led us to that conclusion.-Madras Cour.

WITHDRAWAL OF SIR CHARLES METCALFE'S SUBSCRIPTION TO THE HURKARU." "To the Editor of the Bengal Hurkaru.

"Sir: As it has been considered by yourself an object of importance to inform the world of the withdrawal of Sir C. Metcalfe's patronage from your paper, it would be well to let us also know the period when the lieut.-governor's patronage was withdrawn, in order that the public may be enabled to draw some conclusions as to the motives which have led to this act. In ordinary occasions, speculation on such a point would be of little consequence; but an act like that to which you have alluded, emanating from

the liberator of the Indian Press, may be entitled to comment according to the circumstances under which it may have taken place. If, for instance, it should appear that Sir C. Metcalfe has withdrawn his support from the Hurkaru, in consequence of the comments on his public acts which have appeared in your paper, every friend of the press must regret that the conduct of the lieut.governor should be so manifestly inconsistent with the noble principles he has avowed on the subject of the press. If, on the other hand, it should appear that Sir Charles has withdrawn his support from the Hurkaru in consequence of the scurrility with which he has (to my great sorrow) been assailed in your paper, to the coarse and insulting allusions which have been made to his private habits, and to the conversations and jests of his friends and himself at his private table; if, Sir, to such a cause we may be enabled to ascribe the withdrawal of Sir Charles's subscription to your paper, the friends of the press, and no one surely, Mr. Editor, more than yourself, will still have grounds of public confidence in their late ruler, and can say, that to no defection on the part of Sir Charles to the great cause of freedom and civilization are they to ascribe this act, but to the existence of private feeling, quite apart from public considerations, and which he may be permitted to exercise in matters purely personal.

"I am, Sir, your obedient servant, "25th May, 1836." "VETUS."

Madras.

MISCELLANEOUS.

THE TINNEVELLY MISSION.

In a petition signed by the head catechist, catechists, head schoolmaster, schoolmasters, and the elders of the congregation that have joined Mr. Rhenius (to the number of 92), to the bishop of Madras, the petitioners complain of persecutions they have experienced, and say: "Being very desirous to see your lordship, and to hear the advice of your lordship, we sent some persons in our name to beg that we are all waiting to see your lordship, and that when and where is your lordship pleased to see us. Your lordship was then pleased to say, that as your lordship is come for the Church mission, and as we are not friends to it, your lordship does not like to see us. Then Aroolananden told that we serve the one Lord, and we learn the one gospel, and begged that your lordship may be pleased to hear our petition. But your lordship was pleased to give the same anWhen we heard this, we were very sorry, and delivered all things to the hand

swer.

of Jehovah, and desired to send this petition to your lordship. As your lordship is soon to leave this place, we humbly wish to inform at large to your lordship afterwards, all the wrong we have suffered by Mr. Pettitt and Mr. Tucker, and their servants. Therefore your humble petitioners beg that your lordship may be pleased to take these things into your lordship's kind consideration and to do justice."

TREATMENT OF NATIVE CHRISTIANS.

The Rev. Mr. Tucker, a missionary of the Church Society, at Palamcottah, states the following "instance of the injurious bearing of government proceedings on missionary labours:" -"The catechist of Ootamalei and four of the Christians came over to complain of the collector's people, as well as the servants of the Zemindar. I will enter rather fully into this case, as it may serve as a specimen of others, and give our friends in England some insight into the system of government, as bearing upon missionary labours. The Government, having found great difficulty in obtaining from the zemindars of Tinnevelly the taxes due on account of these zemindaries, took the collecting and management of them into their own hands; leaving the zemindars in possession of the property, power, and influence which they possessed, as before, with this exception only. They accordingly appointed an ameena,and curnams under him, to each district, as government revenue officers, independent of the zemindars; who collect the taxes, and account for them to the collector. There is little doubt that, notwithstanding European vigilance, the system of bribery prevails to a considerable extent; the curnam making his returns, for instance, as if only an inferior grain were produced in a particular field, when in fact there was paddy; the owner of the field paying a bribe to the curnam, that he may be charged a lower tax, as if for inferior grain. When a heathen is converted, he is, of course, taught the sinfulness of these practices; and much of the difficulties of the new converts arises from this cause, that in the cutchery and elsewhere they refuse to give bribes; while, probably, on the other hand, some are tempted to shelter themselves, under the pretence of resisting bribery, from paying the whole of the lawful taxes. Upon the whole, however, it can be, I believe, established as a fact, that the Government is the gainer by villages or families becoming Christians.

This short account will explain the circumstances of the complaint from Ootamalei. There are in it nineteen families; who, about five months since, placed themselves under Christian instruction; and have built a prayer-house at their own expense. The catechist, Michael, is a

GRAMMAR SCHOOL.

The Parental Academy, which has been suspended for ten years through the want of a competent master, has been revived, under the auspices of the Bishop of Madras, as the "Madras Grammar School," the purpose of which is to give a sound general education, the religious instruction being in accordance with the principles of the Church of England. Mr. Kerr is appointed head-master.

TEMPERANCE SOCIETY.

The "Presidency Temperance Society" was formed on June 13th, the Lord Bishop of Madras in the chair. An animated but most amicable discussion was for some time sustained, on the opinion advanced by the garrison chaplain, and ably supported by the Adjutant-general, that, by making total abstinence, and not mere temperance, the rule of the institution, hundreds of soldiers would feel obliged to refrain from becoming members. Many, it was alleged, who had become members of Temperance Societies, as at present constituted, had found themselves unable to keep to their agreement, and had either withdrawn their names, and openly returned to their former excesses, or had played the hypocrite, and drunk hard in private. The Bishop, the Archdeacon, several other ministers of the gospel, and the second member of the Medi cal Board, gave it as the result of long observation and experience among the troops serving in India, that there is no safety for the soldier except in absolute abstinence.-Madras Christ. Ob.

EFFORTS OF ROMAN CATHOLICS.

We understand that a bold attempt, made by the Roman Catholic clergy at

Madras, to get into their power the children of deceased soldiers born of Romanist mothers, has been nobly met at the Military Female Asylum by two resolutions, -to the effect, 1. That the abstraction of the orphans would afford no relief to the funds of the institution; and, 2. That the governors cannot conscientiously deliver up, to be educated as papists, children who have been receiving under their care the benefits of religious instruction in the Protestant faith.-Ibid.

Bombay.

MISCELLANEOUS.

BUILDING SHIPS.

A letter from Capt. Cogan, comptroller of the Dock-yards at Bombay, to Sir Charles Malcolm, the superintendent of the Indian Navy, calls attention to the great reduction which has taken place, under the recent regulations, in the cost of contracting and repairing vessels in the government dock-yards, principally through giving full effect to the system of contract labour. "It is right to observe," he says, "that the present cost of timber and other materials required in ship-building is about fifty per cent, less than in 1826, which was the latest period that vessels of importance were built for his Majesty, or the Hon. Company's government. In this year, the hull of his Majesty's 84-gun ship Calcutta, of 2,298 tons, was completed (on the old system) at a cost of about Rs. 6,93,606, which is about Rs. 24,000 more than a ship

of the same class could be built for the royal navy in Great Britain. With a view to ascertain the advantage that would arise to his Majesty's government by constructing ships of a large class in these dockyards, the builders have (after much attention to the subject) prepared me an estimate of the probable cost of building a similar vessel to the Calcutta, which would only amount to Rs. 4,42,530; and, instead of being as formerly, Rs. 24,000 more than the cost of such a ship in England, it exhibits a reduction on the English cost of Rs. 2,10,260; and as it is universally admitted that a Bombay teak-built ship is fifty per cent, superior to vessels built in Europe, 1 am therefore of opinion, that when these facts are generally known, the Bombay dock-yards will have more employment than they can perform, particularly as the reduction in the building for the royal navy must be a matter of real national importance. As regards merchant vessels, I do not hesitate to say, that the best description of vessels can be built for £12 per ton, which is much less than substantial vessels can be built for in Europe; for the hull, spars, and boats, of a beautiful copperfastened schooner of 200 tons, was launched

in October last, for his Highness the Imaum of Muscat, at a much less cost than I have here stated."

RAJAH OF GUICOWAR AND DHACKJEE

DADAJEE.

Orders have been received from home, to compel his highness the Guicowar to restore to Dhackjee Dadajee, esq. his enam villages in that prince's territory, with arrears from the date of resumption. This is the fourth time that orders to this effect have been given, and we hear that they are now peremptory, the former ones not having been acted on, in consequence of the Guicowar having refused to comply with them, on the ground that Dhackjee did not hold the villages under the British guarantee: which the court have, however, decided was extended to him, though not with the formality usually observed in such cases. In the line of conduct hitherto pursued by the Guicowar, in regard to the case in question, his highness appears to have been influenced by the individual who has of late been foremost at his court, and who has, we are informed, compromised the interests of the state, not only in this case, but in several others also.

Besides the above enam villages, we are informed Dhackjee has a large pecuniary claim against the Guicowar, for the restitution of which also instructions, it is said, will shortly come out from England. Thus we see, and with satisfaction, that the home authorities are de

termined to replace this native gentleman under the roof of comfort and enjoyment, to which he has been an exile ever since he was unjustly and through malice disgraced in the Baroda government. — Durpun, July 8.

BRIBERY.

The principal native commissioner of Serore has been suspended from office on a charge of bribery, which bears every appearance of guilt. The matter is now before the Sudder Adawlut. Though we are sensible that much has been said on the subject, yet we cannot allow this opportunity to pass without a few words to our countrymen, who appear to manifest a lamentable deafness to the lessons so often repeated to them in the fate of their brethren found guilty of abuse of authority, and who seem blindly to follow a course condemned both by humanity and law. If these consequences do not keep our people in awe, and if they do not early show themselves more worthy of trust and responsibility than are at present of necessity reposed in them, they may rest assured that the day is not distant when they will be superseded in the responsible situations they now hold in