Labor:

The year 1902 was introduced by an event destined to be memorable in the history of labor. On December 16, 1901, a meeting called by the National Civic Federation was held in New York to consider the best means of promoting industrial peace. The Hon. Oscar S. Straus, formerly Minister to Turkey, presided over the conference, which was composed of men famous in the fields of business, labor and After a full and frank discussion, in which a desire to establish fair and harmonious relations between labor and capital was manifested on all sides, a commission of thirty-six was created, to be known as "The Industrial Department of the Civic Federation." This was to be a permanent body, charged with the duty of endeavoring to check labor disputes by time

Strikes in 1902. thought.

SAMUEL E. MOFFETT.

ly mediation, if possible, and in the last resort by formal arbitration. It was to be composed equally of representatives of employers, of laborers, and of the public. The members selected were:

On the Part of the Public:

Grover Cleveland, ex-President of the United States, Princeton, N. J.

Cornelius S. Bliss, ex-Secretary of the Interior, New York.

Oscar S. Straus, ex-Minister to Turkey, New York.

Charles Francis Adams, former President of the Union Pacific Railroad, Boston.
Archbishop John Ireland, of the Roman Catholic Church, St. Paul.

Bishop Henry C. Potter, P. E., New York.

Charles W. Eliot, president of Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

Franklin MacVeagh, merchant, Chicago.

James H. Eckels, former Comptroller of the Currency, Chicago.

John J. McCook, lawyer, Chicago.

John G. Milburn, lawyer, Buffalo.

Charles J. Bonaparte, lawyer, Baltimore.

(Ex-Officio) Ralph M. Easley, secretary of the National Civic Federation, New York. On the Part of Employers:

Marcus A. Hanna, coal mines, iron, shipping and street railways, Cleveland, O.

Charles M. Schwab, president of the U. S. Steel Corporation, New York.

S. R. Callaway, president of the American Locomotive Co., New York.

Charles A. Moore, president of the Shaw Electric Crane Co., New York.

John D. Rockefeller, Jr., Standard Oil Co., New York.

Edward P. Ripley, president of the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway System, Chicago.

PROMINENT FIGURES IN THE GREAT COAL STRIKE.

I. Kruttschnitt, vice-president of the Southern Pacific Company, San Francisco.

H. H. Vreeland, president of the Metropolitan Street Railway Co., and of the National Street Railway Association, New York.

Louis Nixon, proprietor of the Crescent Shipyards, New York.

Marcus M. Marks, president of the National Association of Clothing Manufacturers, New York.
James A. Chambers, president of the American Window Glass Co., Pittsburg.

William H. Pfahler, ex-president of the National Founders' Association, Philadelphia.

On the Part of Wage-Earners:

Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, Washington.

John Mitchell, president of the United Mine Workers of America, Indianapolis.

Frank P. Sargent, grand master of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, Peoria, Ill.

Theodore J. Shaffer, president of the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers,
Pittsburg.

James Duncan, general secretary of the Granite Cutters' National Union. Boston.

Daniel J. Keefe, president of the International Longshoremen's Association, Detroit.
James O'Connell, president of the International Association of Machinists, Washington.

Martin Fox, president of the Iron Molders' Union of North America, Cincinnati.

James M. Lynch, president of the International Typographical Union, Indianapolis.

Edgar E. Clark, grand chief conductor of the Order of Railway Conductors, Cedar Rapids, Iowa.
Henry White, general secretary of the United Garment Workers of America. New York.

W. MacArthur, editor of the Coast Seamen's Journal, San Francisco.

The commission immediately organized, with Marcus A. Hanna as chairman: Samuel Gompers as first vice-chairman; Oscar S. Straus as second vice-chairman: Charles A. Moore as treasurer, and Ralph M. Easley as secretary. The plan and scope of its work were outlined in the following programme:

"This committee shall be known as the Industrial Department of the National Civic Federation. "The scope and province of this department shall be to do what may seem best to promote industrial peace; to be helpful in establishing rightful relations between employers and workers; by its good offices to endeavor to obviate and prevent strikes and lockouts; to aid in renewing industrial relations where a rupture has occurred.

"That at all times representatives of employers and workers, organized or unorganized, should confer

for the adjustment of differences or disputes before an acute stage is reached, and thus avoid or minimize the number of strikes or lockouts.

"That mutual agreements as to conditions under which labor shall be performed should be encouraged and that when agreements are made the terms thereof should be faithfully adhered to, both in letter and spirit, by both parties.

This department, either as a whole or a sub-committee by it appointed, shall, when requested, act as a forum to adjust and decide upon questions at issue between workers and their employers, provided in its opinion the subject is one of sufficient importance.

This department will not consider abstract industrial problems.

"This department assumes no powers of arbitration unless such powers be conferred by both parties to a dispute..

"This department shall adopt a set of by-laws for its government."

The first opportunity for the good offices of the new agency came in connection with the strike that had been in progress for two years against the National Cash Register Company, of Dayton, Ohio. A conference was brought about on March 7, 1902, between the officers of the company and the labor leaders. in the presence of Secretary Easley, of the Civic Federation, and after a discussion of two days the strike and its accompanying boycott were called off. In the same month the Federation averted a strike of fifty thousand workmen in thirty paper mills. In all, eleven strikes were prevented or settled by this body before the outbreak of the troubles in the anthracite coal fields. It was confidently hoped that the Federation would be able to maintain peace in this quarter as well, and it did succeed in delaying the rupture, but the

determination of the operators to make no concessions to their men left no basis for conciliation, and the matter had to be fought out.

The coal strike was the great industrial struggle of 1902, as the steel strike had been that of 1901. But there was the usual number of minor conflicts, some of them of considerable importance. A strike of union teamsters in Boston in January led to a sympathetic strike of freight handlers in March, involving twenty thousand men. The trouble was settled within a week by the mediation of Governor Crane. In the same month a threatened strike of sixteen thousand textile workers at Lowell was averted by the intervention of a Citizens' Committee.

Paterson was kept in turmoil for nearly three months by a strike of workers in the silk mills. It began with a sudden outbreak of dyers' helpers, on April 22, accompanied by rioting, and spread until it tied up all the mills. The cause originally assigned for the trouble was the insufficiency of the old wages to meet the exactions of the Beef Trust. There was bloody rioting in June, incited by Anarchists, and on July 12, after the operatives had refused to join the dyers' helpers, the strike was declared off.

A riotous strike of teamsters in Chicago, in June, was followed by one of railroad freight handlers in July. The latter contest was settled in ten days in a conference, on terms generally favorable to the rail

roads.

There have been several particularly fierce trolley strikes, marked by great disorder. The most notable have been those on the lines of the Pawtucket Traction Company, R. I., in June, and on the Hudson Valley System. New York, in September and October.

During almost the whole of the year 1902 the country was disturbed by the preliminaries, the progress and the consequences of the anthracite strike. Before 1900 the conditions of employment in the anthracite field had been regulated by local arrangements in each colliery or group of collieries. In 1899 the United Mine Workers of America, which had already succeeded in unionizing the bituminous field, with annual trade agreements between the employers and the workmen, undertook to organize the anthracite miners. This effort was successful to a considerable extent, and in 1900 a strike was declared for higher wages and other advantages. The operators wished to resist this movement, but they were urged to yield by Senator Hanna, who warned them that a prolonged strike at that time would endanger the election of McKinley. Accordingly they reluctantly made concessions-not, however, by recognizing the union, but by posting up notices of a 10 per cent increase in wages and other benefits in the various collieries. In the Spring of 1901 the president of the United Mine Workers. Mr. John Mitchell, tried to induce the operators to enter a conference with his organization for the purpose of agreeing upon a wage scale for the following year. In this he failed, but the presidents of the various companies uniformaly agreed to continue the existing advance in force until April, 1902. On February 14, 1902, the United Mine Workers invited the operators to a joint conference at Scranton on March 12, to form a wage scale for the year ending March 31, 1903. The presi

dents of the companies promptly declined, giving their reasons at length. In the absence of political excitement they thought the time opportune for testing the strength of the union, and they determined to make no concessions. The miners' convention met at Shamokin in March and demanded an increase in wages and an eight-hour day for men employed on a time basis, the weighing of coal for payments by the amount mined and a uniform rate of wages. They invoked the good offices of the Civic Federation, and resolved to allow only three days' work a week after April 1 utnil the dispute shall be settled.

This was one of the very intentions for which the Industrial Department of the Civic Federation had been created three months before, and as that body contained some of the leading representatives of capital and labor, there seemed every reason to believe that its intervention would be successful. Its chairman. Senator Hanna, promptly took the matter up and brought the miners and operators together. Long discussions followed, but no agreement was reached. Finally, on May 8, Mr. Mitchell sent a long dispatch to each of the corporation presidents, proposing that the questions in dispute be submitted to an arbitration committee of five persons selected by the Industrial Department of the National Civic Federation, the award to be binding for a year. In case that offer proved unacceptable. Mr. Mitchell suggested that Archbishop Ireland, Bishop Potter and one other person to be selected by them should make an investigation into the conditions prevailing in the anthracite field, their recommendations to be accepted by both parties. Both these propositions were curtly rejected, and from this time the operators adopted the policy of having no further dealings with Mr. Mitchell.

On May 14 the United Mine Workers met in convention at Hazleton, and the next day the strike, which had already broken out, was officially declared. The demands of the strikers were:

1. An increase of 20 per cent in the pay of miners working by the ton-about 40 per cent of the whole number.

2. An eight-hour day for per diem employes, being equivalent to a reduction of about 20 per cent in working time without change of wages.

3. Payment by weight to be based on a ton of 2,240 pounds.

The men were intrenched behind a law requiring every miner in the anthracite field to have a certifi cate of competence, granted after examination, and based on at least two years' experience as a laborer. As there were only about 40,000 holders of such certificates, and practically all of them belonged to the union, it was impossible to operate the mines as long as they held out, and the contest settled down into one of endurance. One hundred and forty-five thousand men were idle. An attempt was made to call out the bituminous miners in a sympathetic strike, but this proposition was rejected in a general convention of the United Mine Workers held at Indianapolis on June 18. At first the public watched the contest without alarm, but as the Summer passed and the stocks of coal on hand became depleted, the popular uneasiness grew. September brought a general scarcity, verging upon famine. By October the country was facing a calamity. The price of anthracite went up to $20 and even $30 per ton, and only small lots could be obtained at those rates. Political pressure was brought to bear upon the operators, but they defiantly refused to yield an inch. At last President Roosevelt resolved to end the intolerable situation. He had already, in June, directed Labor Commissioner Carroll D. Wright to investigate the causes of the dispute, and he finally invited President Mitchell and the representatives of the operators to meet him in conference on October 3. Mr. Mitchell offered on the part of the miners to accept arbitration by a commission selected by the President. The operators rejected this proposition, and their whole attitude appeared so offensive as to make them the objects of intense popular indignation. They insisted that the whole matter was one of protection, and said that if troops enough were furnished they could operate the mines. A considerable force of militia was already on duty, but on October 6 Governor Stone called out the entire National Guard of Pennsylvania, numbering 10,000 men. It soon became evident that miners could not be obtained under any conditions, and the public excitement ran so high that it became evident something would have to be done. Accordingly, Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan intervened to end the conflict. He held an interview with Mr. Root, the Secretary of War, on board his yacht, the Corsair, on October 11th, conferred with President Baer of the Reading the next day, and went to Washington the day after, where he discussed the situation with the President and Secretary Root. He offered on behalf of the operators to accept the arbitration of a commission to be appointed by the President, and to consist of: An army or navy engineer officer.

1.

2. An expert mining engineer, not connected in any way with coal mining properties.

3. One of the Judges of the United States Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

5. A man who by active participation in mining and selling coal was familiar with the physical and commercial features of the business.

The findings of this commission were to be binding for at least three years.

This proposition was accepted with the understanding that the President would exercise a large discretion in the selection of commissioners, and a convention of the United Mine Workers at Wilkesbarre on October 20 declared the strike off. Mining was resumed on October 23. As members of the commission the President appointed U. S. Court Judge George Gray, Carroll D. Wright, Thomas H. Watkins, General John M. Wilson, E. W. Parker, E. E. Clark and Rt. Rev. John L. Spalding.

Following are the latest statisties available as relates to strikes. The Commissioner of Labor is at work on supplementary statements, which will be issued as soon as prepared, but in the meantime no further information can be obtained. During the twenty years included in this report New York had the largest number of strikes, as well as the largest number of establishments affected, the number of strikes being 6.460, and the number of establishments concerned 37.845. The greatest number of employes thrown out of work by strikes was found in Pennsylvania, which shows 1,666,043 for the twenty-year period. Of the lockouts which occurred 21.49 per cent were in New York; 11.64 per cent in Pennsylvania; 9.65 per cent in Massachusetts; 9.45 per cent in Illinois, and 7.46 per cent in Ohio. During the twenty-year period ending December 31, 1900, the majority of all establishments affected by strikes and lockouts were located in Illinois, Massachusetts, New York, Ohio and Pennsylvania.

Not including the number in thirty-three establishments for which data were not obtainable.

Labor Unions and the

Union Label.

the

The history of trades-unionism in United States probably begins with the Declaration of Independence. While this document was not intended to liberate any bondsmen, save from the control of Great Britain, it did have that effect by simple force of circumstances. Men "deserted" their masters to enter the Continental Army, and there they came in contact with people occupying a different social plane, and with the idea of equality strong in their minds. The progress of the war brought about a kneading together of the elements forming the army, and at its close the former bondman found himself in a position to select and engage in work that best suited him. He had begun, too, to understand just how important organization was for the success of society.

JOHN N. BOGART,

Labor Editor of the
New York

Evening Journal.

The conspiracy laws remained, however, and, as in the days of Queen Elizabeth, it was still a crime for workingmen to combine with a view of bringing employers to terms, and many harsh prosecutions were instituted and maintained on this ground. Property qualifications excluded the workingman from suffrage in several States, and so he had no voice in the laws under which he lived. The property qualifications were gradually repealed and the workingman then became recognized as a political factor. The rivalry of political parties for his favor led to the effacement of the statutes which interfered with his right to organize for an increase in wages and the general improvement of his conditions. Labor unions began to be formed in all parts of the country, especially in the great industrial centres, and were patterned after the tradesunions of England, which probably had their birth in the merchant guilds of London.

Demands upon employers for improvement in conditions and wages, and strikes, prudent or imprudent, which followed when the demands were refused, brought to public notice the fact that the laborer had become strong enough to be heard. But either from the imprudence of the leaders, the inexperience of men in handling a new weapon, or the general ignorance of the public as to what the laborer wished and was fighting for, labor unionism did not meet with favor at first. Even those who agreed with the principles it represented were chary about openly expressing their views. In some places and by some classes unionism, arson and anarchy were, only a few years ago, considered to be closely allied. Being even now but a growing youth and hardly conscious of its full responsibility, trades-unionism to-day has not received the regard due it.

Still its growth has been large in the last few years. There are about 1,500,000 members of the American Federation of Labor, and nearly as many more members of unaffiliated labor bodies in the United States. It is strong enough to control elections, to regulate wages, to support for four months a hundred thousand people out of employment.

Organization of labor has undoubtedly had an effect in maintaining wages at a figure sufficient for comfortable living. The workman outside of a labor organization is entirely at the mercy of a bad employer, and there is sufficient evidence easily obtained to show that the man within the union is independent of employers' desire for cheap labor. The employer is probably justified in wishing to have his work done as cheaply as possible, other things being considered, but the workman is equally justified in wishing to receive as much as possible for his labor. The object of the trades-union is to bring these two desires into equilibrium, to give to the employer the best work at the best wages for the employe.

What has probably been the greatest result of the trades-union idea is the passage of laws looking to the welfare of the workingman. There is scarcely a State in the United States that has not statutes providing for the hours of labor, the sanitary conditions of workshops, the liability of employers, the age limit for the employment of children. Politicians have recognized the powerful influence organized labor can exercise and have acted accordingly, in spite of capital and the threats of capital. The public-the part of the public not affiliated with labor bodies is beginning to understand that better conditions for workmen mean better communities, more schools and more intelligence. They find that with the incentive of a fair wage the workman can make better products, and by having more money, spends more for his own products and those of his fellow-workmen.

While the actual success of the labor unions depends upon the rank and file, still the responsibility for the success depends upon the leaders. The labor leader of to-day must be a giant, must be capable of accepting the greatest responsibility, of fighting against the shrewdest, richest and most influential men in the world. He has to employ his skill, not against individual employers, but against corporations and combinations of men able to employ the craftiest lawyers and managers that can be found. He has behind him thousands of men factious and obstinate, an army recruited from all classes of intellect, and it is his duty to make these men of one mind for their general betterment. He dare not make a mistake or speak once without thinking, for every word and every act of his are watched, not only by those he leads, but by those who oppose him.

Herbert N. Casson, in an article on "Up-to-date Trade-Unionism," says: "The leadership of a tradeunion depends upon the intelligence and stamina of the rank and file. Ignorant men will always choose ignorant leaders. No clever, efficient man will for long allow himself to be ground between two millstones -the power of capitalists and the ignorance of the workers he represents."

The organization, as it exists in America, consists of local unions in cities and towns: Central Labor Unions in the cities, which act as governing bodies for the local unions, and some national organization. The American Federation of labor is probably the best known, and probably the largest. Recently unjons in the West formed a body known as the American Labor Union, which, while not entirely antagonistic to the American Federation, has no affiliation with that body. This American Labor Union seems to have entered rather strongly into the field of polities, working in conjunction with the Socialist Party, and in this way differs greatly from the American Federation.

The strongest weapon of trades-unionism in the United States is the union label. It wins more for the cause than strikes or boycotts, for it is known everywhere as a guarantee of good and honest workmanship. It is an evidence of good feeling between workman and employer. Wherever it is found it is the boast of organized labor that with it will be found the best possible working conditions and the best possible workmanship. The writer of an essay which won a prize offered by the Social Reform Club of New York, sums up the benefits derived from the union label, as follows:

It

It supersedes the strike, the lockout and the destructive boycott: it is an outward manifestation of harmony between employer and workman, binding both parties to maintain their friendly relations and the continued approval and patronage of a discriminating public. It condemns child labor and humanizes factory life. It minimizes convict competition with free and honest labor. It wipes out the tenement and sweat shop systems of production. It has ferreted out, exposed and cleansed the unwholesome cellar bakery. shortens the work day and gives the toiler time to read, think and cultivate the social side of life. It guarantees a living wage and rational conditions of employment. It warns all to shun the bargain counter, which makes the 'cheap' thing dear when woven with the virtue, sweat and blood of womankind. It stands for quality and honest workmanship. It is not a weapon for industrial war, but an olive branch of peace held out to bind the brotherhood of man."

In connection with the union label a word should be said about a movement organized by the compliment of the producer, the consumer. It is an organization of women, known as the Consumers' League, which agrees to purchase no goods unless made in "fair" and cleanly shops. Committees of its members in various cities visit the shops which produce those things which women buy, and personally inspect the conditions of the workmen. A white label is used, and in the parts of the United States where the league is active, there are few manufacturers who are not anxious for the privilege of placing this white label on their products.