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no case, no fact, no event before us involving any thing but mere theory. Our difference is not practice, it is theory-opinion or faith, as any one may choose to call it. You are aware of the subtlety and circumvention by which this Reverend Secretary sought my opinion on the Shibboleth of the party. You also know that so soon as he ascertained that our theory differed (for practice he never had any,") he immediately placarded me as having been a slave holder, and THE DEFENDER of manstealers, not only on every public corner in Edinburgh, but also like Issacher of old crouching between two burdens, he had a Knight Errant wandering through Edinburgh between two immense showboards carrying on back and body the immense capital of two "BEWARES "-" CITIZENS OF EDINBURGH, BEWARE, BEWARE of Alexander Campbell,-the defender of manstealers "-and THEIR 99 66 ALLY; who has himself been a slaveholder," and who thinks that the Bible justifies "the relation of master and slave"!!! Thus placarded, defamed, blasphemed, and libelled, I was introduced to every city in Scotland. They were sent to Banff, Aberdeen, Montrose, Dundee, Cupar, Auchtermuchty, Dumferline, Falkirk, &c. &c. &c. And as though this were not enough-the Secretary pursues me to every place from Dundee to Glasgow, endeavouring by his empty and boisterous declamations, and by reading garbled extracts from my writings, to root out of the minds of the people every good impression made, or to sow in their hearts the seeds of unbelief in all that we say and do in the work of reformation. Such an exhibition of Monomania, of genuine fanaticism, I have never seen, nor any one else I presume, since the days of Peter the Hermit.

It became necessary for me in all places to dispossess the demons of prejudice and enmity with which he had in most places inspired a portion of the public. I published one letter from Dundee indicative of my proper position. The current was soon turned. He found himself soon placed on the defensive. I had given a challenge, and in doing that it became necessary to allude to a challenge he had given. I did this in the best terms I could select at the time. But in looking through the list of residents in the Edinburgh Register, I found no less than three Reverend James Robertsons in one and the same city. Having also heard that one of these had been once excluded from the Baptist church for dishonouring his mother in some way, but not knowing in the first instance which of the three, I accordingly excepted that said Rev. James Robertson, whoever he might be, from the challenged persons. Finding himself loosing ground by his outrageous course, he finally thought of making a speculation out of the affair-and swore that he had received damage from me by even such an inuendo as the mere possibility that he might be that one of the aforesaid three Rev. Robertsons, who had forgotten the first commandment with a promise, even to the amount of five thousand pounds sterling!! On this allegation he demanded a warrant to prevent my going on my journey beyond this city. He moderated his demands to the one twenty-fifth part of his first demand and obtained a Fuge warrant for two hundred pounds.

Meanwhile having maturely as I could reflected upon the whole

premises, and seeing in the whole affair the hand of the Lord, I resolved to give no security in the case, and to give the advocates of universal emancipation a full opportunity to develop themselves, especially as this was wholly resolvable into a question of theory or mere opinion, and not of anything done by me in the affair or questions in issue.

Again, Mr. Robertson being a sort of Morrisonian Congregationalist, a new sect of much assumed liberality, and liberty of thought, speech, and action,—freer even than the Free Church,-I desired to give him and his friends an opportunity of developing their views of gospel holiness and Christian benevolence. I thought the occasion was specially providential in other points that I need not mention to you, the general impression being that the advocates of liberty and of theoretic reformation-of a new sect upon more liberal principles -would not persecute any one, nor proscribe from city to city one who advocates Christian union on Christian principles. With all these points in my eye I resolved to put them to the test, and would not suffer my friends to give any security for my appearance at a given time. I told them that I felt myself persecuted for righteousness' sake, and that they might do with me whatsoever they thought good. I was prepared for any thing they choose; to go to prison or to preach-but pecuniary security, in the meantime, my views of propriety would not allow me to give. They immediately sent me to prison.

And here I am, a monument in proof that even in Scotland, in the year of grace 1847, in the hands of the peculiar advocates of a free gospel-for that is the distinguishing badge of this new congregational sect—and in the hands of the Secretary of the Scotch Emancipation Society, I am imprisoned for DIFFERING IN OPINION from the standard orthodoxy of ANTI-SLAVERY MEN, BAPTIZED INTO FREE GOSPELISM, and this, too, within sight of the University of Glasgow, and by a citizen of the ATHENS OF GREAT BRITAIN ! ! Such a development has been long wanting, and I esteem myself peculiarly honoured and happy in being selected as the victim.

I know that great pains will be taken to show that it is for a libel. That we shall fully meet, and in the meantime only say, that all Scotland is filled with libels published by these men, none of which have been resented by me. The matter is now undergoing legal investigation. You will hear from me in a day or two. I hope to be set at large on Saturday, and will sail on Monday for Ireland. My brethren here are exceedingly kind to me. I feel as happy as in a palace. I only regret to see the sisters and brethren_grieving so much on account of my sufferings. It is good to be here. I have many delightful reminiscences-many pleasing associations. I hope to profit much myself, and may the Lord make it profitable to others— to open the eyes of those who imagine that the advocates of liberty and of a free gospel, are themselves free-and do not need the true emancipation of him that said "if the Son make you free, you shall be free indeed." The Lord bless you and yours!

In the hope of eternal life,

TO THE EDITOR OF THE GLASGOW EXAMINER.

Glasgow Prison, September 8, 1847. SIR,-You have honoured me with one of your kind notices in your Examiner of last week, Had you an opportunity of having previously examined my writings both on American Slavery and Original Christianity, you could, and I trust, would, have done me still greater honour. But being as uninformed of my views as you are of my person, you must of course be governed by the judgments expressed by others. Never having trespassed against you in thought, word, or deed, you can have no provocation to do me any injury. Your freewill offering to the public respecting my views of religion and of slavery was, therefore, not dictated by any unkind feeling to me, but from a readiness on your part to promote the intelligence and safety of the citizens, your readers and supporters. I will, therefore, request the favour of correcting some false views and impressions which may likely occur from the perusal of what you have written.

You make but one quotation from my writings or speeches. This, too, is not exactly correct. My sympathies,' you say, ' are with the slaveholders, their heirs and successors, rather than with the slave and his posterity.' These are not exactly my words. The contextual meaning of my words is essentially different from what you represent it. My argument is-Allowing American slavery to be all that is said against it, at home or abroad, in its direct influences upon the slaves, I argue that, both in its direct and reflex influences upon the families of slaveholders, not under the influence of Christian faith and righteousness, it is more injurious and calamitous than to the slaves themselves.

In families not under Christian influences, where all labour is performed by slaves, the children are necessarily reared in idleness and voluptuousness, and even with a contempt for the pleasures of labour, under the name of low and menial services. The tendency then is to haughtiness and licentiousness, and, in many instances, to dissipation and vice. These are fruitful parents of many curses. In the grave the slave is free from his master,' but the master's sons and daughters neither in life nor in the grave are always free from the entail of those habits and vices generated under the presiding genius of domestic slavery.

You can now make your readers understand why I should be opposed to American slavery, as a great and manifold evil, injurious to both parties;-to the slave often physically, but to masters and mistresses and their offspring, especially where Christianity is not on the throne, alike injurious both physically and morally, and more in both respects to them than to their slaves. This is a good reason to call forth sympathies for both parties, but more for them that are most injured by it. I will be told that on the part of the masters it is voluntary, but not so on the part of the slaves. This is sometimes true, but very far from always true. Time has been when masters ran away from their slaves, and many more would run away if they could. This is, however, another subject. As things are,

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my sympathies go with those most injured, irrespective of those accidents and contingencies. And now may I request you to insert the letter enclosed from the Edinburgh Weekly Journal, which I hope will fully define to your readers my position. Say not to them, I entreat you, that I am a slaveholder, or that you think that I would flog a slave, and putting the reeking whip into my pocket, mount the pulpit and proclaim liberty to the captive!!!" In America and everywhere that I am known, such a saying on your part will only provoke contempt for anything you could say.

Touching my religious views I need say nothing. The whole world that have ever heard me will, or reading your piece, know that you have been grossly imposed on by some evil genius. Such sayings as these:-"Of all systems Campbellism is the most soulless and insipid, as well as the most blasphemous!" they will think arise from something worse than ignorance.

You add "He has even expunged the word grace from his translation! and having cut off man from favour with God, he comes across the ocean to cut off the slave from British favour." This will appear equally ridiculous and uncalled for.

You add, "The people of Scotland think more closely and reason much better than his American slaves and slaveholders." I thought so once. But my experience in Edinburgh and Glasgow has almost, if not altogether, swept away this my once fondly cherished opinion. In some respects they are, indeed, remarkably clear-headed reasoners. They can decide intuitively upon the merits of any man, or of any doctrine. They need not the tardy operations of examination, comparison, and induction. Like the greyhound, they spring upon their prey. In America, we slowly advance to conclusions. We have to read a book through before we can decide what is in it; and in all controversies we are obliged to listen to both sides before we can decide which is right.

But, Sir, I have extended my introduction to my letter on my position to slavery to an unintended length. Your remarks upon my position both to popular theology and also to this much-vexed question, are my apology. Permit me, however, to say, that my views of the Christian religion are wholly contrary to the picture your imagination, or your reading, may have suggested. With me the Gospel is the grace of God, abounding through the sacrifice of Christ, through faith, repentance, and baptism, unto remission of sins, the enjoyment of the Holy Spirit in our hearts, and the hope of eternal life, inducing us to live soberly, righteously, and godly in the present evil world. A Scotchman of your perspicuity will readily perceive that these fundamental views are quite irreconcilable with that heartless, hopeless, joyless, lifeless, spiritless thing of which you may have heard. Our religion is that of faith, hope, and love in principle— of peace and joy in the heart, and of temperance, justice, and humanity in practice. Wishing you a large portion of this,

I am, Sir,

Your obedient servant,

A. CAMPBELL,

Of Bethany College, Virginia.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE CHRISTIAN NEWS.

Glasgow Prison, September 8, 1847.

SIR, The interest which you have already taken in my mission to this country, and the frequent notices of me which have recently appeared in your Christian News will, I hope, apologise for the communication I now send you, with the request that you will promptly, as an act of justice and humanity, lay it before your readers, requesting them first to hear, and then to decide.

At the request of many Christians in these United Kingdoms, and with the concurrence of very many in the United States of America, I am now on an errand of Christian philanthropy to the land of my fathers, and to that of my nativity. The promulgation of original Christianity, in contrast with political and sectarian Christianity is, indeed, the paramount object of my tour. Certain brethren of Virginia, Maryland, Georgia, Kentucky, and Ohio, sympathising with the suffering poor, both of Scotland and Ireland, occasioned by the failure of crops last year, besides their public contributions, in common with other citizens of the American States, desired also, in their own private and church capacities, to send by Mr. Henshall and myself "certain alms and offerings," [Acts xxii. 17,] to be by us personally distributed in such caes as come within our more immediate observation or information; to which duties we have not been unattentive on our journey thus far.

Since our arrival in Edinburgh, as you have reported, "the antislavery spirit has has been aroused," and we have been denounced, placarded, and defamed from Edinburgh to Banff, and from that to Glasgow, in terms of unmeasured abuse-as "manstealers,"-the "allies and friends of manstealers,"-"advocates of American slavery,"-pro-slavery men," &c.

The Secretary of the Anti-Slavery Society of Edinburgh has not only preceded us in almost every place with these placards, but succeeded us in person, in several places, with the zeal of a Jehu and the spirit of a Crusader, first endeavouring to turn away the ears of the people from listening to us at all; but, failing in this, he then, in person, endeavours to root out of their hearts the good seed of the gospel we have been sowing, by such comments on extracts from our writings as you have been giving in your last paper, making us say what never entered into our hearts.

:say:

Will you now allow me to show yourself and your readers what palpable injustice you are doing me. I will only illustrate by a single instance. You quote a passage in which I "But especially as a Christian, I sympathize more with the owners of slaves, their heirs, and successors, than with the slaves which they possess and bequeath." Please quote the whole passage again;- "From all these views and convictions, from my understanding of the Bible, Old Testament and New, from the whole genius and spirit of Christianity, as indicated by its Founder and by the Apostles, I am constrained to take the position I now occupy, and, therefore, I affirm the deep and solemn conviction, that any Christian man who exacts more from master and slave than the duties enjoined upon each to