was agreed on in a convocation of all the doctors and masters, as well regents as non-regents; giving power to these doctors and bachelors of divinity to determine the matter, and to set the seal of the university to their conclusion: the original whereof the Lord Herbert saw, upon which the persons so deputed had full authority to set the university seal to that conclusion without a new convocation. Perhaps that instrument was not so carefully preserved among their records, or was in Queen Mary's days taken away, which might occasion these mistakes in their historian.

There seems to be also another mistake in the relation he gives: for he says, those of Paris had determined in this matter before it was agreed to at Oxford. The printed decision of the Sorbonne contradicts this: for it bears date the 2d of July, 1530, whereas this was done the 8th of April, 1530. But what passed at Cambridge I shall set down more fully, from an original letter (Collect. No. xxxii), written by Gardiner and Fox, to the king, in February (but the day is not marked). When they came to Cambridge, they spake to the vice-chancellor, whom they found very ready to serve the king; so was also Dr. Edmonds, and several others; but there was a contrary party, that met together, and resolved to oppose them. A meeting of the doctors, bachelors of divinity, and masters of arts, in all about two hundred, was held. There the king's letters were read, and the vice-chancellor calling upon several of them to deliver their opinions about it, they answered as their affections led them, and were in some disorder. But it being proposed, that the answering the king's letter, and the questions in it, should be referred to some indifferent men ; great exceptions were made to Dr. Salcot, Dr. Reps, and Crome, and all others who had approved Dr. Cranmer's book, as having already declared themselves partial. But to that it was answered, that after a thing was so much discoursed of, as the king's matter had been, it could not be imagined that any number of men could be found, who had not declared their judgment about it one way or another. Much time was spent in the debate; but when it grew late, the vice-chancellor commanded every man to take his place, and to give his voice, whether they would agree to the motion of referring it to a select body of men: but that night they would not agree to it.

The congregation being adjourned till next day, the vicechancellor offered a grace (or order) to refer the matter to twenty-nine persons (himself, ten doctors, and sixteen bachelors, and the two proctors), That (the questions being publicly disputed) what two parts of three agreed to,

should be read in a congregation, and without any further debate the common seal of the university should be set to it. Yet it was at first denied; then being put to the vote, it was carried equally on both sides. But being a third time proposed, it was carried for the divorce. Of which an account was presently sent to the king, with a schedule of their names to whom it was committed, and what was to be expected from them; so that it was at length determined, though not without opposition, That the king's marriage was against the law of God.

It is thought strange, that the king, who was otherwise so absolute in England, should have met with more difficulty in this matter at home than he did abroad. But the most reasonable account I can give of it is, that at this time there were many in the universities (particularly at Cambridge) who were addicted to Luther's doctrine. And of those Cranmer was looked on as the most learned: so that Crome, Shaxton, Latimer, and others of that society, favoured the king's cause; besides that, Anne Boleyn had, in the Duchess of Alenson's court (who inclined to the reformation), received such impressions as made them fear, that her greatness and Cranmer's preferment would encourage heresy; to which the universities were furiously averse; and, therefore, they did resist all conclusions that might promote the divorce.

*

But as for Crooke in Italy, he, being very learned in the Greek tongue, was first sent to Venice, to search the Greek manuscripts that lay in the library of St. Mark, and to examine the decrees of the ancient councils; he went incognito, without any character from the king; only he had a letter recommending him to the care of John Cassali, then ambassador at Venice, to procure him an admittance into the libraries there. But in all his letters he complained mightily of his poverty, that he had scarce whereby to live and pay the copiers whom he employed to transcribe passages out of MSS. He stayed some time at Venice, from whence he went to Padua, Bononia, and other towns, where he only talked with divines and canonists about these questions-whether the precepts in Leviticus, of the degrees of marriage, do still oblige Christians? and whether the pope's dispensation could have any force against the law of God? These he proposed in discourse, without mentioning the king of England, or giving the least intimation that he was sent by him, till he once discovered their opinions. But finding them generally inclining to the king's cause, he took more courage, and went to Rome; where he sought to be

Cott. Libr. Vitel. B. 13.

made a penitentiary priest, that he might have the freer access into libraries, and be looked on as one of the pope's servants. But at this time the earl of Wiltshire, and Stokesley, who was made bishop of London (Tonstall being translated to Duresme), were sent by the king into Italy, ambassadors both to the pope and emperor. Cranmer went with them to justify his book in both these courts. Stokesley brought full instructions to Crooke to search the writings of most of the fathers on a great many passages of the Scripture; and, in particular, to try, what they wrote on that law in Deuteronomy, which provided, that when one died without children, his brother should marry his wife to raise up children to him. This was most pressed against the king by all that were for the queen, as either an abrogation of the other law in Leviticus, or at least a dispensation with it in that particular case. He was also to consult the Jews about it; and was to copy out every thing that he found in any manuscript of the Greek or Latin fathers relating to the degrees of marriage. Of this labour he complained heavily, and said, that though he had a great task laid on him, yet his allowance was so small, that he was often in great straits. This I take notice of, because it is said by others, that all the subscriptions that he procured were bought. At this time there were great animosities between the ministers whom the king employed in Italy: the two families of the Cassali and the Ghinucci hating one another. Of the former family were the ambassadors at Rome and at Venice; of the other, Hierome was bishop of Worcester, and had been in several embassies into Spain. His brother Peter was also employed in some of the little courts of Italy as the king's agent. Whether the king out of policy kept this hatred up to make them spies one on another, I know not. To the Ghinucci was Crooke gained, so that in all his letters he complained of the Cassali, as men that betrayed the king's affairs; and said that John, then ambassador at Venice, not only gave him no assistance, but used him ill: and publicly discovered, that he was employed by the king; which made many, who had formerly spoken their minds freely, be more reserved to him. But as he wrote this to the king, he begged of him, that it might not be known, otherwise he expected either to be killed or poisoned by them yet they had their correspondents about the king, by whose means they understood what Crooke had informed against them. But they wrote to the king, that he was so morose and ill-natured, that nothing could please him; and to lessen his credit, they did all they could to stop his bills. All this is more fully set down than perhaps was necessary,

if it were not to show that he was not in a condition to corrupt so many divines, and whole universities, as some have given out. He got into the acquaintance of a friar at Venice, Franciscus Georgius, who had lived forty-nine years in a religious order, and was esteemed the most learned man in the republic, not only in the vulgar learning, but in the Greek and Hebrew, and was so much accounted of by the pope, that he called him the hammer of heretics. He was also of the senatorian quality, and his brother was Governor of Padua, and paid all the readers there. This friar had a great opinion of the king; and, having studied the case, wrote for the king's cause, and endeavoured to satisfy all the other divines of the republic, among whom he had much credit. Thomas Omnibonus, a Dominican, Philippus de Cremis, a doctor of the law, Valerius of Bergamo, and some others, wrote for the king's cause. Many of the Jewish rabbins did give it under their hands in Hebrew, "that the laws of Leviticus and Deuteronomy were thus to be reconciled: that law of marrying the brother's wife, when he died without children, did only bind in the land of Judea, to preserve families, and maintain their successions in the land, as it been divided by lot; but that in all other places of the world, the law of Leviticus, of not marrying the brother's wife, was obligatory." He also searched all the Greek MSS of councils, and Nazianzen's and Chrysostom's works. After that he run over Macarius, Acacius, Apollinaris, Origen, Gregory Nyssen, Cyril, Severian, and Gennadius; and copied out of them all that which was pertinent to his purpose. He procured several hands to the conclusions, before it was known that it was the king's business in which he was employed. But the government of Venice was so strict, that when it was known whose agent he was, he found it not easy to procure subscriptions: therefore he advised the king to order his minister to procure a license from the senate, for their divines to declare their opinions in that matter. Which being proposed to the senate, all the answer he could obtain was, that they would be neutrals; and when the ambassador pressed (Feb. 18), as an evidence of neutrality, that the senate would leave it free to their divines, to declare of either side as their consciences led them, he could procure no other answer, the former being again repeated. Yet the senate making no prohibition, many of their divines put their hands to the conclusions. And Crooke had that success, that he wrote to the king, he had never met with a divine that did not favour his cause: but the conclusions touching the pope's power, his agents did everywhere

discourage, and threaten those who subscribed them. And the emperor's ambassador at Venice (July 4) did threaten Omnibonus for writing in prejudice of the pope's authority; and asserting conclusions, which would make most of the princes of Europe bastards. He answered, he did not consider things as a statesman, but as a divine. Yet, to take off this fear, Crooke suggested to the king, to order his minister at the court of Rome to procure a breve, “That divines or canonists might without fear or hazard deliver their opinions according to their consciences, requiring them, under the pain of excommunication, that they should write nothing for gain or partial affections, but say the pure and simple truth, without any artifice, as they would answer to God in the great day of judgment." This seemed so fair, that it might have been expected the successor of St. Peter would not deny it; yet it was not easily obtained, though the king wrote a very earnest letter to the bishop of Verona (Aug. 7) to assist his minister in procuring it." And I find by another dispatch (Sept. 16), that the breve was at length gained, not without much opposition made to it by the emperor's ambassadors: for at Rome, though they knew not well how to oppose this method, because it seemed so very reasonable; yet they had great apprehensions of it, because they thought it was designed to force the pope to determine as the king pleased: and they abhorred the precedent, that a company of poor friars should dictate to them in matters of this nature. Crooke reports, out of a letter of Cranmer's to him from Rome (July 28), these words: "As for our successes here, they be very little, nor dare we attempt to know any man's mind, because of the pope; nor is he content with what you have done; and he says, no friars shall discuss his power: and as for any favour in this court, I look for none, but to have the pope with all his cardinals declare against us." But Crooke, as he went up and down procuring hands, told those he came to (Aug. 5),“ he desired they would write their conclusions, according to learning and conscience, without any respect or favour, as they would answer it at the last day; and protested he never gave nor promised any divine any thing, till he had first freely written his mind, and that what he then gave, was rather an honourable present than a reward." And in another letter to the king (Sept. 7) he writes: "Upon pain of my head, if the contrary be proved, I never gave any man one halfpenny, before I had his conclusion to your highness, without former prayer or promise of reward for the same.' From whence it appears, that he not only had no orders