exclusion, therefore, of many who have even received the benefit of a liberal education, must enhance the value of the gift to those, who, like Mr. Middleton, possess the means of improving it. To the charms of literature and poetry especially, he was ever exquisitely alive; in music and painting he had attained no ordinary proficiency, in practice, as well as theory: and in the technicalities of sculpture and architecture, their sister arts, he was well versed.

Mr. Middleton, after an extensive tour through Europe, returned to South Carolina, and soon after was united in marriage to Miss Izard, daughter of Walter Izard, Esq.

He soon determined to gratify Mrs. Middleton with a visit to Europe, and with this view embarked with her about a year after their marriage. After residing some time in England, they proceeded to the continent, and visited in their tour some of the principal cities of France and Spain. In the year 1773, Mr. Middleton returned home, and took up his residence at the family seat, a beautiful spot, on the banks of the Ashley, which his father, on this occasion, relinquished to him. In the succeeding year commenced that struggle between Great Britain and her North American colonies, which developed the

energies of the American people, put to the test their patriotism, their talents, and their courage, and, in some measure, assigned to individuals their relative rank in public estimation. Arthur Middleton and his father-who already stood high in the public estimation-did not hesitate to stand forth in defence of the rights of American citizens. And here it may not be improper or invidious to remark, that these gentlemen, together with some others in South Carolina, were at that time in a situation which places their decision of conduct in a point of view peculiarly meritorious, and which ought particularly to endear their memories to a grateful posterity. Many of the actors in those early scenes, were men who, to whatever merit they may have been entitled, appeared on the stage for the first time. They were aware that, should their efforts be crowned with success, a lasting fame and extensive influence in the community, would be their reward, with the consequent advantages of office and emolument. This remark is not intended to disparage any of the worthies of the revolution. But the Middletons had not these inducements to active exertion. Members of a family, which, since the foundation of the colony, had always stood high in the public favour, enjoying personal consideration of the

most flattering kind; and possessed of wealth which might be materially impaired, but could not be increased, by the vicissitudes of civil wars-had they not been men of high and disinterested characters, the course they would have pursued is obvious. The usual motives which govern men would have preponderated on the side of arbitrary sway; they would (as did many others, in similar circumstances, throughout the continent), either have used all their influence to produce a passive submission to the acts of the British parliament, or have adopted a temporising line of conduct, in the hope of seeing the storm speedily dissipated. But inheriting a spirit, which it appears was natural to their family, they exerted themselves, from the first encroachment on their rights, in a manner which could leave no doubt on the minds of their countrymen as to the sincerity of their views.

Reverting more particularly to the public services of Mr. Middleton, it appears, from the documents which have been preserved relative to the progress of the revolution in South Carolina, that the operations of the opposition were carried on by means of various committees, appointed by the provincial congress, in the face of the royal government, under the different denominations of secret committees, special committees, councils of safety, &c.

VOL. VI.-D

which were composed of gentlemen, in whose discretion and firmness the provincial assembly reposed unlimited confidence, and whose powers were only defined by the injunction, cavere nequid Republica detrimenti caperet. By a reference to the record of these revolutionary proceedings, we find, that on the seventeenth of April, 1775, Arthur Middleton was appointed one of a secret committee, consisting of five persons, who were authorized to take measures for placing the colony in a posture of defence.* These were the persons who determined on having recourse to force; and under their direction, the public magazine of arms and ammunition in the custody of the royal store keeper, was taken possession of, and the contents removed, and soon after appropriated to the defence of the country.

On the fourteenth of June the provincial congress of South Carolina chose by ballot, thirteen persons, who were denominated a council of safety to watch over the public interests, and to take such measures as they should judge most proper to promote the same in that eventful crisis. Of this number was Arthur Middleton; and it is well ascertained, that to his activity may be attributed much of

* The names of the other gentlemen, were Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, William Henry Drayton, William Gibbes, and Edward Weyman.

what was effected by that body. Under its direction a military force was organized, adequate to the temporary defence of the province; the commissions of the officers were certified by the joint signatures of its members, and other acts appertaining to sovereign authority were exercised by them.

The members of the council were, in general, well selected, especially when we consider that very little trial had been made of their real characters, and that, in revolutionary times, many individuals are urged forward even by their timidity, to show for the new order of things a preference which they are far from feeling. Such men usually indulge the hope of keeping open the door of accommodation, and therefore avoid, as much as possible, giving their participation to measures which are deemed offensive. That there were some of this discription in the council of safety, is very certain; and that Mr. Middleton, and others, who saw the propriety of adopting vigorous and decided measures, were embarrassed and thwarted by their opposition, is a fact equally well established. One instance may be adduced in which his advice, if followed, would probably have been attended with favourable results.

Lord William Campbell, brother to the duke of Argyle, was, in the year 1775, appointed governor