convinced me that my views were erroneous. If, as you suppose, it is distinctly understood, upon the meeting of the Charleston Convention, that Seward will be selected at Chicago, then I think Douglas will be the nominee, upon the calculation that he will be able to carry Illinois and Indiana. I have had a talk with Guthrie; he was confident of obtaining the nomination at Charleston. I told him, frankly, he had not the ghost of a chance. I believe now he is of my opinion. The friends of Breckenridge here and at Lexington seem to be confident that he will be the lucky man. I don't believe that. We hear Buchanan has taken him up; I doubt if he will be true to him. I know he hates him, not perhaps as much as he hates Douglas. I have read B.'s plea in abatement, protesting against an inquiry into his official conduct. The plea is, I think, well drawn and adroit, but the points of objection appear to me indefensible. You are right to have nothing to do with a nomination. Let Hunt or Everett, or somebody, take the place. Tom Clay says if his presence is necessary at the Baltimore Convention to vindicate you, he will go on at once. Combs begged himself in as a delegate to the exclusion of Tom. I see no fun whatever. Go to Burnley's and talk to him, then to the bank, then back to Burnley's, then home, read, lay down, get up, and do the same thing, take medicine, and have myself rubbed like a race-horse. Come home! The queen is thinking of what she will have for breakfast the day you get home. One thing I know, there will be a quart of rich cream, and I sha'n't get a drop of it. I am glad Mrs. Crittenden does not go out in Washington; she will be better prepared for a "poor man's breakfast."

J. J. CRITTENDEN.

Your sincere friend,

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.)

R. P. LETCHER.

SENATE, April 30, 1840. DEAR ORLANDO,—Our intelligence from Virginia enables me now, as all here think, to say to you that the Whigs or Harrison men have carried that State by the election of a majority of the legislature and with a majority of the popular vote. The first fruits of this will be two senators from that State and then its electoral vote for Harrison. This latter consequence, however, is our inference. The administration men say there will be a reaction in Virginia, and that they will carry the State then by a large majority. And it is upon such dreams and visions they feed their sickly hopes. Nothing can exceed the confidence of the friends of Harrison. That confidence generates and sustains a corresponding zeal, and as far as there can be

any certainty in respect to future political events, it seems to me that his election is certain, and by a very great majority. The nation is now for him. The current of events is in his favor, and the same great causes that have produced that current will continue to give it increased rapidity and force. The abuse lavished on Harrison is like oil thrown on the fire, and will endanger or consume the incendiary only. The popular feeling breaks forth in favor of Harrison where it was least expected, and makes glad places that were considered as "waste." Georgia, notwithstanding all efforts to the contrary, has, of a sudden and as by some general and spontaneous impulse, raised a mighty shout for him, and seems like all the other States in her zealous support of him. I speak from information which I consider the very best and most indubitable when I say to you that I believe Georgia is just as certain for Harrison as any State in the Union. Though the leaders of the administration party here affect the language of confidence, it is evident that their ranks are wavering with fear and alarm, and that they can scarcely withstand the tone of courage and confidence that constantly resounds from the host of their adversaries.

They are, in effect, already dismayed and beaten. And if the friends of Harrison can only resist the efforts that will be made to divert and deaden public sentiment, and will only preserve their present patriotic spirit, their opponents will not only be beaten, but utterly routed,-" horse, foot, and dragoons."

The presidential question absorbs everything else, and but little is doing, or will be done, in Congress at the present session, though the session will, in all probability, be a long one.

In the great struggle for political deliverance that is now in progress, I hope that old Kentucky will not be behind the foremost. Her place is in the front, and in that post of patriotism and honor I had rather see her trodden down than make one disgraceful step from it.

Who is our candidate for our county? You must not surrender Franklin at this crisis. We must have a candidate, and one that can be elected.

While I write you, the first number of the Campaign is laid on my table. I hail it, and that I may pay my respects to the stranger, must conclude my letter. I don't understand that you have yet erected at Frankfort a "log cabin." This ought to be attended to; it is all the rage on this side the mountains, and the common impression is that neither Grecian nor Roman architecture ever constructed anything superior to the "Log Cabin." My best respects to your wife, and kindest remembrance to all our townsmen and friends. Write to me. Your friend,

O. BROWN, Esq.

J. J. CRITTENDEN.

CHAPTER X.

1840.

Great Southwestern Convention-Letter of Archbishop Spalding-Complimentary Resolutions of the Board of Trustees of the Second Presbyterian Church in Baltimore as to the Trial of R. J. Breckenridge-Letters.

THE great Southwestern Convention met on the 17th of August, 1840, at Nashville, and, after adopting certain resolutions, it was addressed by Mr. Crittenden. I am persuaded that no mortal man ever made a greater impression upon a popular assembly. Never before did I see such a multitudinous audience tremble under the power of eloquence, never were the deep fountains of my emotions so stirred. Peal after peal followed, blow after blow fell with merciless power, sarcasm after sarcasm, and coruscations of wit delighted the vast assembly. Mr. Crittenden's eye flashed, now with scorn, now with other emotions. He has left behind him a name which time only can obscure.

I feel it would be murder in the first degree to attempt a description of this masterly display of oratory. No pen can truly write out that speech, no tongue can truly describe it. Great as is the reputation of its author as a statesman and an orator, his warmest admirers declare that they never heard him on any occasion make a better speech, more eloquent, more appropriate. I heard conspicuous Van Buren men proclaim that it was the greatest speech they had ever listened to.

The style and manner of the distinguished statesman cannot be spread upon paper: an outline only of the principal points he dwelt upon will be attempted.

Mr. Crittenden began by expressing a wish that he could feel himself worthy to address such an audience, feel himself able to entertain so vast a multitude on so great an occasion:

Fellow-Citizens,-We can all do something for a great cause. Let no man say he can do nothing, but rather let him gird on

his armor, take one step forward, and he will find himself engaged in the struggle of the people against power and oppression. Let him look at the great and critical measures which are involved in this contest. Let him reflect upon the sad, the fatal consequences which will be visited upon the people if the executive should triumph; let him calmly survey this overshadowing power which the executive is contending for; let him reflect that the great issue is liberty against oppression, the people against the office holders, then let him prepare for the contest and say he can and will do something in the conflict..

Fellow-citizens, every man knows that the office holder feels bound to electioneer for the President. In order to hold his place he must give up his independence as a freeman, submit to the requirements of his master the executive, he knows that this is one of the cardinal principles of Van Buren democracy. As my illustrious colleague truly observed yesterday, all the qualifications an applicant may possess will avail him nothing. The questions put by, or in behalf of, Martin Van Buren are not, Is he honest? Is he capable? Will he support the Constitution? Oh, no, fellow-citizens, these old-fashioned questions, recognized by Jefferson's democracy, have been superseded by another catechism which was somewhat after this fashion: What has he done for our party? Who has he bullied at the polls? Has he used means to mislead the people and entice them to our support? Have the people rejected him? Let him establish these claims, and his reward is sure. All who are willing to come under this Russian serfdom and to give up the breath of freemen are qualified for office under Martin Van Buren. All applicants who have been thus meanly willing to submit to such terms have been rewarded with office.

But do such officers answer the purpose of the people, to whom indeed all the offices belong? Are their best interests faithfully watched and guarded by such servants? Is the money of the people faithfully guarded? No, fellow-citizens, no! out of sixty-seven land officers, sixty-three have proved to be defaulters. What do the people think of this? What is its moral tendency? What the moral effects of such a state of things? Who does not see that it is Mr. Van Buren's object so to vitiate, to corrupt the public mind that he may appoint the most desperate and despicable politicians to office, who will stop at nothing in assisting him in the accomplishment of his grand scheme of subjecting this great people to his arbitrary rule for another term? I do not believe Mr. Van Buren possesses either the head or the heart to be the President of this proud and independent nation. He was nurtured in the Albany

Regency school of politics; he has not the capacity or sensibility to act or feel like a Western politician. Van Buren is a free-trader in politics, buying where he can purchase cheapest, and selling where he can command the highest price, he was for the war, and he was against the war. Should the Federalist say to him, "Mr. Van Buren, we can support no man who advocated the last war, which ruined our commerce and brought our country so deeply in debt," how readily would he reply, Gentlemen, who took more decided ground against that war than I did? Madison I opposed, and gave my hearty support to Clinton, your own favorite candidate. On the other hand, should the Republicans approach him, and say, "We can support no man who did not advocate the last war," how promptly he would assure them that he did support it, and point to his reports and speeches in its favor made after Madison's re-election, after the war had become popular. Now, take the subject of abolition. Should leading Abolitionists tell Mr. Van Buren that they would like to vote and use their influence for him if they could only have some evidences that he would help to carry out their principles, who could furnish them with stronger and more enduring proofs than Mr. Van Buren of his firm attachment to their cause? How gravely, with what sincerity, he would point to his vote instructing the New York senators upon the Missouri question; his vote in the New York Convention in favor of extending the right of suffrage to negroes; to his vote in Congress to restrict slavery in Florida; to his declaration, for the public, that Congress has the constitutional power to abolish slavery any day in the District of Columbia, and to his recent rescript, that he saw nothing of the admission of negro testimony in court against a gallant officer of the navy that called for his interference!

On the other hand, should the Anti-Abolitionists say to him, "Mr. Van Buren, what guarantee will you give us that if we vote for you, you will not favor the scheme of these infamous fanatics?" how quickly would he refer them to his repeated declarations that he would apply the veto to any bill having for its object the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia! Upon the subject of internal improvements he is as well prepared. To one party he points to his vote to establish tollgates upon the Great Cumberland Road,-such was his love, his zeal, for internal improvements! He calls attention also to his approval of numerous other bills making great appropriations for works of that nature.

To the opposing party, he will avow that he is against internal improvements by the general government, and point with exultation to the complaints of the friends of the great national